罗诉韦德案之后的生活 这位年轻女子在德州理工大学一个温暖春日的化学课结束后走出教室，注意到了克里斯汀·霍金斯的帐篷。一块蓝色防水布上展示着一幅令人不安的图像：两只分离的手托着一个婴儿的头，红白字体写着霍金斯校园巡回演讲的主题：“堕胎即人祭”。霍金斯是“美国生命学生会”那位适合发Instagram的主席，身穿蓝色丝绸Eileen Fisher衬衫，外套防弹背心——自她的朋友、保守派活动家查理·柯克于2025年9月被枪杀以来，这已成为她的衣橱必备单品。
Life After Roe The young woman was on her way out of her chemistry class on a warm spring day at Texas Tech when she noticed Kristan Hawkins’ tent. A blue tarp displayed an unsettling image of two disembodied hands cupping a baby’s head, with the theme of Hawkins’ campus tour in red and white letters: “ABORTION IS HUMAN SACRIFICE.”Hawkins, the Instagram-ready president of Students for Life of America, was dressed in a blue silk Eileen Fisher blouse over a bulletproof vest—a wardrobe staple since her friend and fellow conservative activist Charlie Kirk was shot to death in September 2025.
她邀请学生走到麦克风前，参与柯克推广的“改变我的想法”辩论形式。当然，霍金斯并非真的想让人改变她的想法；毕竟她已领导该运动中最具影响力的反堕胎组织之一长达二十年，这不太可能。她的真实目的是收集愤怒的支持选择权者说蠢话的片段，随后将其制成病毒视频，或许能改变观看者的想法——或者仅仅是煽动他们的愤怒。
She was inviting students to step to the microphone to participate in the “change my mind” debate format that Kirk had made famous. Hawkins wasn’t really there to have mind changed, of course; after two decades leading one of the most influential anti-abortion organizations in the movement, that would be unlikely. Her real goal was to gather clips of irate pro-choicers saying stupid things, which then could be turned into viral videos that might change the minds of people watching them—or just stoke their outrage.
一个个年龄只有霍金斯一半、勇敢却倒霉的学生接受了她的挑战，一个个被她驳得语无伦次。接着，那身穿绿色卫衣的年轻女子走向麦克风，长长的棕发拢在肩后，右手插在牛仔裤口袋里。
One by one, a series of brave but hapless students half Hawkins’ age accepted her challenge, and one by one, she reduced them to incoherence. Then the young woman in the green sweatshirt walked to the mic, her long brown hair swept behind her shoulders, her right hand shoved in her jeans pocket.
“如果不允许我堕胎，我9岁就会怀孕，”她结结巴巴地说。“我被强奸过三次。”她告诉霍金斯，自己反对晚期堕胎，但像她这种情况，认为终止妊娠应当是一个选项。
“If I was not allowed to have an abortion, I would have been pregnant by 9,” she said, stammering a bit. “I’ve been raped three times.”She opposed later abortions, she told Hawkins, but in cases like her own, she thought ending a pregnancy should be an option.
霍金斯应对关于强奸和堕胎的挑战，由来已久，早在那样的学生还穿着尿布的时候就开始了。她先是讲起胎儿大脑活动和《创世记》——“亚当是用尘土造的，因为上帝太伟大了”——随后才承认：“那不该发生在你身上，你当时没准备好，没有任何一个9岁的孩子会为此做好准备。”
Hawkins has been fielding challenges about rape and abortion since students like this one were in diapers. First came her lecture about fetal brain activity and the Book of Genesis—“Adam was created from dust, because that’s how awesome God is”—before she acknowledged, “That shouldn’t have happened to you, and you were not ready, and no 9-year-old would ever be ready for that.”
但霍金斯接着说，发生的一切，不是她胎儿的错。“你是个母亲，因为你腹中怀着孩子，”她对那名学生说，后者站在那里，十指紧扣。“我们只求你，作为一个女人，作为一个女孩——这是完全不公平、不公正的遭遇，我绝不是说这公平或正义——你有能力、能承受住这九个月的牺牲，好让别人能拥有九十年的人生。”
But what happened, Hawkins continued, wasn’t the fault of her fetus. “You are a mother, because you had a child within you,” she told the student, who stood knitting her fingers together. “All we simply ask is that you, as a woman, as a girl—and this is a completely unfair and unjust thing that’s happened, I’m not saying it was fair or just in any way—that you are capable and can withstand nine months of sacrifice so somebody else might have 90 years.”
事实上，霍金斯接着说，这很可能根本不需要九个月。她没说的是，这么小女孩的产道太窄，无法让婴儿通过；分娩可能会撕裂她的子宫，粉碎她的骨盆。“我认识的外科医生们帮助过这样的女孩，通常都是早产，早剖腹产，”她解释道。“为了她自身安全，极大概率需要早产。” “好吧，”那年轻女子应道，听起来更像是放弃而非同意。“谢谢你跟我谈这些，”她补充道，然后转身离去。
In fact, it likely wouldn’t have taken nine months at all, Hawkins went on. What she did not say is that the birth canal of a girl that young is too narrow to allow the passage of a baby; childbirth could tear her uterus and crack her pelvis. “Surgeons that are my friends that have had to help girls overcome this, usually it’s an early delivery, an early C-section,” she explained. “She will most likely need to deliver early for her own safety.”“Right,” the young woman said, sounding more like she was giving up than agreeing. “Thank you for having this conversation,” she added, then walked away.
这次交流中的任何内容本都不该让我感到惊讶——我曾在社交媒体上看过霍金斯发表类似观点的片段。在网络上，她总是表现出一种随意的残忍，她攻击那些被她称为“否认生物学”而领养孩子的男同性恋者，并为了取笑跨性别女性而称呼她们为“先生”。但不知为何，亲眼目睹这一切实时发生，看着那位紧张的年轻女性默默承受着她的话语，感觉却截然不同。
Nothing about this exchange should have surprised me—I’d seen clips of Hawkins making similar arguments on social media. Online, she deployed a casual cruelty all the time, taking aim at gay men she claimed were “denying biology” by adopting kids and transgender women whom she called “sir” for laughs. But somehow, watching it play out in real time, with this nervous young woman absorbing her words, was different.
我无法停止思考，霍金斯竟能如此漫不经心地提到剖腹产——这对成年人来说都是一场大手术，更不用说对孩子了。当被告知她本应在9岁时就坚持怀孕生子时，她是什么感受？我追上那位学生时问了她。她强忍着泪水说：“那真的太难了。我知道如果我不那么做，我的身体绝不会原谅我。我想我会失去我的童年。”
I couldn’t stop thinking about how nonchalantly Hawkins mentioned C-sections, a major surgery for adults, let alone children. How did it feel to be told she should have stayed pregnant at 9? I asked the student when I caught up with her. “It was really tough,” she said, holding back tears. “I know that my body would not have forgiven me if I didn’t do what I did. I think I would have lost my childhood.”
“我不认为性侵幸存者应该有权堕胎，不认为。人类受孕的环境并不会改变这个人的价值。”
“I do not think sexual assault survivors should have access to abortion, no. The circumstances of a human’s conception do not change that human’s value.”
几周后，我再次与这位年轻女性交谈以确认她的经历，尽管我无法独立核实此事。然而，对于如何解读霍金斯的反应，毫无疑问。当我问及此事时，她对我说道：“我不认为性侵幸存者应该有权堕胎，不认为。”她坚持认为这是一个道德一致性的问题。“人类受孕的环境并不会改变这个人的价值。”这已经不是我第一次思考：一个认为应该强迫四年级学生生下强奸犯孩子的人，如今却成为了反堕胎主流运动的领袖，这意味着什么？
I spoke with the young woman again a few weeks later to confirm her story, though I haven’t been able to verify it independently. There was no doubt, however, about how to interpret Hawkins’ response. “I do not think sexual assault survivors should have access to abortion, no,” she told me when I asked her about the incident. It was a matter of moral consistency, she maintained. “The circumstances of a human’s conception do not change that human’s value.”And not for the first time, I wondered: What does it mean that someone who believes a fourth grader should be forced to give birth to her rapist’s child is now leading the anti-abortion mainstream?
2022年6月24日，霍金斯站在最高法院外，举着一块写有“未来是反堕胎的”标语牌，对着一个已经没电的麦克风尖叫。在她周围，一群身穿天蓝色“我是反堕胎一代”T恤的年轻人喜极而泣。
On June 24, 2022, Hawkins stood outside the Supreme Court, holding a sign that read “The future is anti-abortion” as she screamed into a microphone that was gone. Around her, a sea of young people in sky-blue “I am the pro-life generation” T-shirts wept with joy.
霍金斯之所以能在那天登上讲台，是因为她将“生命学生会”建设成了一个反堕胎巨头，其1700个分会已培训了25万多名右翼活动家。她最铁杆的支持者和霍金斯本人一样，坚定地相信生命始于受精，胚胎应享有与孕育者同等的生存权，无论境遇多么悲惨，堕胎几乎永远无法被辩护。二十多年来，霍金斯将他们动员成了一股强大的政治力量——一批批坚定的信徒，可以指望他们为心仪的候选人敲门拉票，挤满立法听证会以支持强硬法案，所有这一切都是为了加速其运动逐步推翻 的进程。
Hawkins had earned her place on the podium that day by building Students for Life into an anti-abortion powerhouse whose 1,700 chapters have trained more than 250,000 right-wing activists. Her most hardcore fans, like Hawkins herself, were uncompromising in their conviction that life begins at fertilization, that embryos should have the same right to exist as the people carrying them, and that no matter how tragic the circumstances, abortion could almost never be justified. Over two decades, Hawkins had mobilized them into a potent political force—battalions of true believers who could be counted on to knock on doors for their favored candidates and pack legislative hearings in support of hardline bills, all to accelerate their movement’s incremental approach to taking down .
如今，霍金斯及其盟友已取得胜利。“这是第一阶段，”她当时告诉NBC新闻，“我们在反堕胎运动中的目标是让堕胎成为不可想象之事。”
And now, Hawkins and her allies had won. “This was phase one,” she told NBC News that day. “Our objective in the pro-life movement is to make abortion unthinkable.”
然而四年后，这一宏大目标比以往任何时候都更加遥远。米非司酮和米索前列醇等药物通过邮寄渠道的广泛获取，增加了堕胎的数量，甚至包括那些近乎全面禁止堕胎的州。“花了好多年，才让反堕胎运动重新调整方向，应对这一极端的新前沿，”霍金斯承认道，“人们很难接受[这一现实]：我们正从实体诊所转向居家堕胎。”
Yet four years later, that sweeping goal is further away than ever. The expanded availability of the medications mifepristone and misoprostol by mail has the volume of abortions, including in states with near-total bans. “It took a good number of years to get the pro-life movement reoriented around this extreme new frontier,” Hawkins acknowledged. “It was hard for people to get their heads wrapped around [the reality that] we were shifting from brick-and-mortar facilities to at-home abortions.”
眼看共和党掌控华盛顿政权时堕胎数量却上升，令她尤为愤懑。“你们的‘团队’占据多数，”她说，“却什么也做不成。”随着越来越多盟友感到沮丧，一个日益壮大的派系开始拥抱一个在其事业内部曾同样不可想象的想法：指控终止妊娠的女性谋杀罪，甚至以死刑相威胁。所谓“废除堕胎论”最直言不讳的鼓吹者，是一群极度活跃于网络的男性，他们痛恨运动的渐进主义，尤其痛恨女性领袖。对他们而言，霍金斯已成为主要攻击目标。
Seeing the numbers rise with Republicans in power in Washington has been especially galling. “Your ‘team’ has the majority,” she said, “and yet nothing gets done.”As many of her allies have become more frustrated, a growing faction has embraced an idea that was itself once unthinkable within their cause: charging women who terminate pregnancies with murder and even threatening them with the death penalty. The most outspoken proponents of so-called abortion abolitionism are a contingent of extremely online men who hate their movement’s incrementalism, and especially hate their women leaders. For them, Hawkins has become a prime target.
如今，霍金斯几乎同样可能要与那些认为女性不应拥有工作或投票权的厌女主义者，以及与进步派人士展开交锋。她乐于接受这场战斗。“克里斯汀是个好斗者，”多年来一直关注霍金斯职业生涯的法律史学家玛丽·齐格勒告诉我，“克里斯汀会深入泥潭进行辩论，她会让对方显得愚蠢、缺乏学识且准备不足。”
These days, Hawkins is almost as likely to find herself battling with misogynists who think women shouldn’t have the right to work or vote as with progressives. It’s a fight she welcomes. “Kristan is a brawler,” Mary Ziegler, a legal historian who has followed Hawkins’ career for years, told me. “Kristan gets down into the mud and debates, and she makes people look silly and unintellectual and unprepared.”
“克里斯汀会深入泥潭进行辩论，她会让对方显得愚蠢、缺乏学识且准备不足。”但这也分散了她对真正使命的注意力。自______以来，12个州的选民已通过投票措施，将生殖权利写入其州宪法，其中包括蒙大拿州和俄亥俄州等保守派占主导地位的地区。
“Kristan gets down into the mud and debates, and she makes people look silly and unintellectual and unprepared.”But it’s also a diversion from her true mission. Since , voters in 12 states have passed ballot measures enshrining reproductive rights into their constitutions, including places like Montana and Ohio, where conservatives dominate.
目前，66%的30岁以下美国人表示支持在所有或大多数情况下将堕胎合法化；在年轻女性中，这一比例高达76%。霍金斯明白，要想让堕胎成为不可接受的行为，就必须改变社会文化——这意味着她需要说服那些不属于她支持群体的人（尤其是年轻女性），并解决她所认为的一种危险的精神问题：这种思想认为“一切都无关紧要，我的生命毫无意义”。她对我说：“那个戴着鼻环的蓝发女孩也是我们的目标对象；她怀孕后所面临的问题，其实也关系到整个社会的未来。”
Sixty-six percent of Americans under 30 now say they want abortion to be legal in all or most cases; among young women, it’s as high as 76 percent. Hawkins understands that to make abortion unthinkable, she needs to change the culture, which means convincing people outside her base—especially young women—and addressing what she sees as a dangerous spiritual malaise, one in which the worldview is “Nothing matters, my life doesn’t matter, it’s all meaningless,” she told me. “The blue-haired septum-ring girl is also our mission. It’s not just her baby when she gets pregnant. It’s also saving .”
为了能够接触到这一群体，霍金斯允许我在去年春天跟随她走遍全国。“我想让你们这些年轻人了解我的观点，”她当初对我说，“希望你们能意识到：‘虽然我不太喜欢她，但她确实提出了一些有道理的观点，也许我需要去深入研究一下这些观点。’”为了实现这一目标，她必须找到一个平衡点——对于她来说，这无疑是一个非常艰难的任务，因为整个反堕胎运动已经大幅向右翼偏移。
Breaking through to this demographic is the main reason Hawkins allowed me to shadow her around the country for a few weeks this past spring. “I want to reach your audience,” she told me early on. “I want [them] to be like, ‘Wow, I really don’t like her, but she had some good points, and I might need to go investigate some of those good points.’”
霍金斯反对体外受精（IVF）、大多数避孕措施以及同性婚姻；而这些观点恰恰得到了她希望说服的那些“中间派”人士的广泛支持。与此同时，作为一名41岁的女性，她仍在努力保持自己的影响力，同时还要领导一个面向Z世代的组织。尽管她面临着被那些更年轻的、极端右翼的数字原住民（digital natives）影响的风险——因为这些人明白，采取极端立场才是获得更多关注的最佳方式。
And to do that, she knows she has to find a middle ground—a deeply uncomfortable place for someone who seems mainstream only because the rest of the anti-abortion movement has shifted so far right. Hawkins opposes IVF, most forms of contraception, and same-sex marriage, all of which are supported by large majorities of the “mushy middle” she hopes to persuade. Meanwhile, she’s trying to stay relevant as a 41-year-old woman leading an organization targeting Gen Z, even as she runs the risk of being outinfluenced by hard-right digital natives a decade younger who have figured out that being extreme is the surest way to get more clicks.
六月初，霍金斯身穿米色西装套装，涂着亮粉色口红，大步走上圣安东尼奥一家酒店宴会厅的舞台。“我要说一件在‘女性’大会上没人敢说的话，”她宣称。“。”这是“转折点美国”女性领导力峰会，是保守派女性最重要的年度盛会，也是其创始人查理·柯克遇害后的首次举办。在这三天里，一众基督教网红、媒体人和政客轮番登台，宣扬结婚生子、赞美耶稣、将事业置于次要地位，以及“信仰高于女权主义”的必要性。
In early June, Hawkins strode onto the stage of a San Antonio hotel ballroom in a cream-colored pantsuit and bright pink lipstick. “I’m going to tell you something nobody at a ‘women’s’ conference is supposed to say,” she declared. “.”It was the Turning Point USA Women’s Leadership Summit, the premier annual gathering for conservative women and the first since the killing of its patriarch, Charlie Kirk. For three days, a parade of Christian influencers, media makers, and politicians evangelized about the need to get married, have kids, praise Jesus, sideline careers, and put “faith over feminism.”
一位我交谈过的 admirer 将霍金斯形容为“堕胎议题上的查理·柯克”，这个会场对她而言再合适不过。但与其他演讲者相比，霍金斯因对兼顾事业与母亲身份的生活直言不讳而脱颖而出。她描述了自己每天工作15个小时，把四个孩子（其中两个患有囊性纤维化）留在家中由丈夫照顾的情景，并指出问题并不在于女性必须平衡如此多的事务。
It was a fitting venue for a woman whom one admirer I spoke with described as “the Charlie Kirk of abortion.”But Hawkins stood out among the other speakers for her frankness about life as a mom with a career. She described working 15 hours a day, leaving her four kids, two of whom have cystic fibrosis, at home with her husband, and how it wasn’t that women had to balance so much.
“我们比生命中的男性抛接的球更多，”她说道，引来会心一笑。“我们抛接的有些球是橡胶的，”她继续说道，“有些则是玻璃的。”橡胶球——比如Zoom会议邀请、洗衣家务——“你可以放手，它们会弹回来。”而玻璃球——你的婚姻、孩子的健康——则会粉碎。“而你每天的工作，就是分清哪些是哪种。”
“We’re juggling more balls than the men in our lives. ,” she said, to appreciative laughs. “Some of the balls we juggle are rubber,” she went on, “and some of them are glass.”The rubber ones—the Zoom invites, the laundry—“you can drop those, and they bounce back up.”The glass ones—your marriage, your children’s health—will shatter. “And your job, every single day, is to know which is which.”
我一边不时溜出去为留在家中的八个月大婴儿挤奶，一边心想，这其实是对职场母亲生活的一个绝妙比喻。坐在我旁边的十九岁大学生埃默森·穆林纳克斯来自俄克拉荷马州，她告诉我，在所有峰会演讲者中，她最期待霍金斯出场，因为她曾在Instagram上看过霍金斯的辩论片段。“我非常喜欢她超级直率，总是向大家说出真相。”
It was actually a terrific metaphor for working motherhood, I thought, as I escaped periodically to pump breast milk for the 8-month-old I’d left at home. Emerson Mullinax, a 19-year-old college student from Oklahoma sitting next to me, told me that of all the summit speakers, she was most excited for Hawkins, whose debate clips she watched on Instagram. “I really love how she’s super-straightforward and just tells everyone the truth.”
“我非常喜欢她超级直率，总是向大家说出真相。”穆林纳克斯正在追求护理事业，但她同样渴望拥有家庭。
“I really love how she’s super-straightforward and just tells everyone the truth.”Mullinax was pursuing a career—nursing—but she wanted a family, too. Hawkins offered a pathway between the scary feminists chained to desks, delaying kids until it was too late, and the long-haired tradwives, in linen dresses and full makeup, baking sourdough from scratch. “Most of us know that is not anyone’s actual daily life,” Hawkins told the audience of 2,000 or so, adding wryly, “even though I do try my best on the weekends.”She had sometimes taken issue with Kirk’s comments about women, such as when he urged them not to date men who couldn’t provide for a family.
霍金斯在“被锁在办公桌前、把生孩子拖到太晚的可怕女权主义者”与“穿着亚麻裙、化着全妆、从头开始烤酸面包的长发传统妻子”之间，提供了一条中间道路。“我们大多数人都知道那不是任何人的真实日常生活，”霍金斯对着两千左右的观众说道，并半开玩笑地补充道，“尽管我周末确实会尽力而为。”她有时也会对柯克关于女性的言论提出异议，例如当他敦促女性不要和无法养家糊口的男性约会时。
“I was so pissed about that,” Hawkins told me. Her husband of 20 years taught school before quitting to homeschool their kids. According to Kirk’s logic, “with how little we pay teachers and public service workers and our military members, those men aren’t acceptable mates. I don’t think Charlie was thinking about that, honestly, but I was like, ‘Oh my god, .’”
“那让我非常愤怒，”霍金斯告诉我。她的丈夫教了20年书，后来辞职在家给孩子们做家庭教育。按柯克的逻辑，“考虑到我们给教师、公共服务工作者和军人的薪水那么低，那些男人都不算合格的伴侣。我真不觉得查理当时考虑到了这一点，但我当时就像‘天哪，’”在台上，霍金斯试图在听起来完全像女权主义的论点、以及柯克会喜欢的关于女权主义带来苦难的无稽陈词滥调之间取得平衡。
Onstage, Hawkins attempted to balance arguments that sounded downright feminist with baseless clichés about the miseries wrought by feminism that Kirk would have loved. “While we have achieved everything we were told we should need or want,” she declared, “anxiety and depression are at all-time highs.” was an argument Hawkins told me she believed stood the best chance of reaching the women in the cultural mainstream whom she fantasized about luring to the anti-abortion side—maybe even those blue-haired, septum-pierced feminists.
“虽然我们实现了被告知应该需要或想要的一切，”她宣称道，“但焦虑和抑郁却达到了历史新高。”霍金斯告诉我，她相信这个论点最有可能触及文化主流中的女性——她幻想将这些人吸引到反堕胎阵营，也许甚至包括那些蓝发、穿鼻环的女权主义者。但这似乎更有可能作为一种留存策略，奏效于那些希望组建家庭、却缺乏经济能力成为传统妻子的年轻基督教女性，即使她们想这么做。
But it seemed more likely to succeed as a retention strategy for young Christian women who hope to have a family but lack the economic means to be tradwives, even if they wanted to.
这也是霍金斯平衡术的一部分。即使她向进步派伸出橄榄枝，也必须避免疏远构成她基本盘的年轻女性。
This, too, is all part of Hawkins’ balancing act. Even as she reaches out to progressives, she has to avoid alienating the young women who make up her base.
但在这个共和党公然支持厌女主义的时代，她的观点究竟能提供什么解决方案呢？在允许听众表达沮丧情绪之后，霍金斯最后告诉他们：“忍着点吧！学会接受现实吧；如果你总是告诉自己‘这不公平’，那你只会让自己陷入痛苦之中。等到了天堂，你再去找上帝理论吧。”
But in this era of GOP-sanctioned misogyny, what did her side actually offer? After giving her audience permission to be frustrated, Hawkins ended by telling them to suck it up. “Learn to juggle, because if you go through life telling yourself, ‘It’s not fair,’ you areg yourself up for misery,” she said. “You can take it up with God when you get to heaven.”
霍金斯出生于1985年，成长于西弗吉尼亚州的小镇韦尔斯堡。她的母亲玛拉从事音乐教学工作，父亲加里则在一家燃煤发电厂工作。她是个成绩优异的学生：八年级时就被评为“最有可能取得成功的学生”，高中毕业时更是全校的优等生；她的梦想是成为一名航空工程师。为了完成学校的志愿服务要求，她曾在当地的危机妊娠中心工作，那里有许多女性处于绝望的处境中——即使选择堕胎也无法改善她们的生活。
Born in 1985, Hawkins grew up in the small town of Wellsburg, West Virginia. Her mother, Marla, taught music, and her dad, Gary, worked at a coal power plant. An overachiever who was voted most likely to succeed in eighth grade and was valedictorian of her high school class of 13, Hawkins dreamed of becoming an aeronautical engineer.
在此之前，她从未认真思考过堕胎问题。她回忆道：“第一天离开那个妊娠中心时，我简直惊呆了：‘天啊，到底发生了什么？’”霍金斯就读于离家不远的一所文理学院——贝瑟尼学院（Bethany College），并在那里成立了一个反对堕胎的组织。她以积极进取的态度著称，虽然她的意识形态观点已经形成，但并不僵化。后来成为她导师的政治学教授芭芭拉·安·里弗-弗拉纳根（Barbara Ann Rieffer-Flanagan）回忆起他们曾就“是否应该允许因强奸而堕胎”这一话题进行过讨论：“在我看来，她当时对此问题感到非常困惑。”
To fulfill her school’s volunteer service requirement, she pitched in at a local crisis pregnancy center, where she met women in desperate circumstances that having an abortion didn’t seem to improve. Before that, she had never given the abortion issue much thought.
2005年，霍金斯提前毕业，随后开始为共和党全国委员会全职工作，后来又加入了乔治·W·布什政府下属的卫生与公共服务部门（Department of Health and Human Services）中的一个宗教相关机构。
“I remember leaving the pregnancy center the first day, like, ‘Oh my god, what’s been going on?’”
次年，鲜为人知的“生命学生组织”（Students for Life）邀请这位21岁的年轻人重振其日渐衰落的校园网络。她曾在一间废弃的办公室里过夜，并告诉《……》（注：原文此处缺失媒体名称，依语境保留为“她告诉……”或根据常见译法处理，但原文为 "she told the where"，疑似原文有误，应为 "she told the [publication] where" 或类似结构。
At Bethany College, a small liberal arts school near her home, she started an anti-abortion group and distinguished herself as a motivated student whose ideological views seemed well formed but not fixed.
鉴于指令要求忠实翻译且原文存在明显语法错误 "told the where"，此处按最可能的意图“她告诉[某处/某人]”处理，但为保持流畅，结合上下文，可能是“她告诉[记者/媒体]，唯一能防止蟑螂的办法就是整夜开着灯。” 考虑到原文 "she told the where" 极可能是 "she told the [outlet] where..." 的笔误，或者 "she told [someone] where..."。
Barbara Ann Rieffer-Flanagan, a political science professor who became her mentor, recalled one discussion about whether abortion should be allowed for rape.
为了通顺，译为：她曾在一间废弃的办公室里过夜，她说，唯一能防止蟑螂的办法就是整夜开着灯。）在将该组织转型并建立起一个最终从家庭学校延伸至精英大学网络的进程中，她受邀加入“国家政策委员会”（Council for National Policy）。这是一个由保守派资助者和策略家组成的秘密核心机构，其成员包括曾推动废除《平等权利修正案》的菲莉丝·施拉夫利（Phyllis Schlafly）。
“My impression of that conversation,” Rieffer-Flanagan told me, “was that she was struggling with that.”
“菲莉丝就像我的奶奶，”霍金斯（Hawkins）对我说道——不过是一位极其挑剔的奶奶，她总是告诫她的 protégé（门生/ protégé）要减肥。“我当时正怀着孕，”霍金斯回忆道，“我当时心想：‘我会的，菲莉丝，等我生完这个孩子！’”早在柯克（Kirk）崭露头角之前，霍金斯就已经为这个由白发长者主导的运动注入了年轻而好斗的活力。
After graduating a year early, in 2005, Hawkins began working full time for the Republican National Committee and then joined a faith-based office within the Department of Health and Human Services under President George W. Bush.
理查德·维格利尔（Richard Viguerie）是该委员会的创始成员之一，他利用直邮募捐建立了推动罗纳德·里根（Ronald Reagan）在1980年当选总统的政治机器，他是那些认识到霍金斯潜力的人之一。“克里斯坦（Kristan）看到了市场中的一个空白，这一点至关重要，”他对我说道。“如果你想取得成功，就必须做别人没做过的事。”
当时，反堕胎阵营中无人涉足的领域正是与大学生建立联系。“每个人都能清楚地理解，让年轻人之间就生命议题进行交流，而不是像我这样的人去说教，这样做的好处，”现年93岁的维格利尔说道。
The following year, the little-known Students for Life tapped the 21-year-old to revive its flagging campus network; she slept in a derelict office, she told the where the only way to keep the cockroaches at bay was to leave the lights on all night.
霍金斯不仅只是空谈；她组织了大量支持者参加诸如“每年三月的生命权游行”之类的活动，并动员他们支持削减计划生育计划的资金、以及承认胎儿具有“人格”（即法律上的权利）的立法提案。该运动的重要人物之一是伦纳德·利奥——这位天主教亿万富翁同时也是联邦主义者协会的幕后推手——他曾担任“学生为生命权而战”（Students for Life）组织的董事会成员长达15年。
As she transformed the group and built a network that would eventually stretch from homeschools to elite colleges, she was invited to join the Council for National Policy, a secretive hub for conservative funders and strategists whose members included Phyllis Schlafly, slayer of the Equal Rights Amendment. “Phyllis was like my grandma,” Hawkins told me—a hypercritical one who admonished her protégé to lose weight. “I was pregnant at the time,” Hawkins recalled. “I was like, ‘I will, Phyllis, as soon as I push out this baby!’”Long before Kirk arrived on the scene, Hawkins brought a youthful pugnaciousness to a movement dominated by gray-hairs. Richard Viguerie, a founding member of the council who used direct-mail fundraising to build the machine that brought Ronald Reagan to power in 1980, was among those who recognized her potential.
在2010年“茶党运动”取得重大胜利后，霍金斯的基层支持者们向全国各地的共和党议员施压，迫使他们通过了一系列严厉的新法规。随后，他们利用新兴的社交媒体平台来宣传自己的胜利成果；这些新媒体平台对传统保守派来说完全是个陌生的领域。
“Kristan [saw] a hole in the marketplace, which is critically important,” he told me. “If you want to be successful, you’ve got to do something no one else does.”What no one else on the anti-abortion side was doing back then was connecting with college students. “Everybody can clearly understand the benefit of young people talking to other young people about life, instead of people like me,” said Viguerie, now 93.
“她是最早提出‘后美国时代’概念的人之一——早在相关决策做出之前就已经这样做了。没有人比她更有决心、更有远见、更有激情，也没有人比她更固执地坚持自己的信念，敢于说：‘我们必须行动起来。’”“她是最早向我谈论‘后美国时代’概念的人之一，”40 Days for Life组织的创始人、同时也是由Leo基金会资助的‘Life Leadership Conference’项目的执行主任大卫·贝雷特（David Bereit）告诉我，“我认为，没有人具备她那样的决心、远见、激情和固执的毅力，能够果断地说：‘我们必须行动起来。’”
Hawkins did more than talk; she turned her supporters out by the busload to events like the annual March for Life and rallied them behind efforts to defund Planned Parenthood and support fetal personhood. One of the movement’s most important players, Leonard Leo, the Catholic billionaire and Federalist Society power broker, served on the Students for Life board for 15 years. (During that time, he also helped engineer the right-wing takeover of the Supreme Court that overturned .)
后来，堕胎药物的出现彻底改变了整个局势，反对堕胎的人们完全陷入了被动境地，因为他们毫无应对策略。霍金斯（Hawkins）问道：“这场运动的整体战略是什么？”她认为，这个问题在讨论中常常被忽视。霍金斯和她的团队很快意识到，这些堕胎药物对人类社会构成了严重的威胁；他们率先反对加州2019年颁布的、要求公立大学提供这些药物的法规。
After the tea party sweep of 2010, Hawkins’ grassroots troops pressured Republican legislators around the country to pass a barrage of harsh new restrictions.
在试图在自由派地区制造恐慌时，霍金斯想起了一个传闻：有人声称从污水处理厂中“提取”了胎儿残骸。到了2020年，她坚信胎儿残骸以及堕胎药物残留物会威胁到公共健康。
Then they promoted their victories in the new social media ecosystem that was alien to the old guard.
“我们正在‘饮用他人的堕胎产物’”这一说法在支持堕胎权的圈子里成了笑柄，被民主党领袖们嘲笑，也被环境和健康专家们否定。甚至一些霍金斯的盟友也对这一观点表示怀疑。然而，这一观点逐渐获得了关注。去年，七个州的立法者提出了关于堕胎药物安全性的法案；伊利诺伊州的一位女议员还提议，对于不向患者提供用于收集血液和胎儿残骸的‘收集工具’的医生，应判处五年监禁。
“She was one of the first people . . . talking about a post- America, long before the decision. There’s no one else who had the drive, the vision, the passion, the bullheaded tenacity to say, ‘We’re going to do it.’”
随后在9月，霍金斯在X上发布了一段视频，宣布环保局（EPA）将米非司酮和米索前列醇——连同避孕药和用于性别肯定护理的激素——列入其希望各州在饮用水中检测的化学物质名单。“我们简直是在独家爆料！”她兴奋地跳起来喊道。“啊啊啊！”几周后，“生命学生会”警告称，如果食品药品监督管理局（FDA）不在60天内对米非司酮采取行动，该组织将提起诉讼，指控该机构2000年批准该药物的行为违反了《濒危物种法案》。
“She was one of the first people I ever heard talking about a post- generation and post- America, long before the decision,” David Bereit, founder of 40 Days for Life and executive director of a new Leo-funded effort called the Life Leadership Conference, told me. “There’s no one else, I think, who had the drive, the vision, the passion, the bullheaded tenacity to say, ‘We’re going to do it.’”
这正是霍金斯一贯的行事风格：她总是能够将那些原本处于边缘地位的观点转化为主流政治议题。法律史学家齐格勒告诉我：“‘Students for Life’组织提出的很多想法，在初次听到时，人们都会觉得‘这太荒谬了’；但一旦这些观点被浓缩成短视频形式（比如发布在Instagram上），它们似乎就变得很有说服力了，足以吸引那些关心农药使用、避孕药副作用以及疫苗问题的环保活动家们。”
Then was overturned, abortion pills reshaped the landscape, and abortion foes were caught without a game plan. “What’s the strategy for the overall movement?”Hawkins asked. “I think that’s something that gets left out of the conversation too much.”For Hawkins, one strategy was turning progressives’ own tools, such as arguments about environmental safety, against them. Hawkins and her team were quicker than most to recognize the existential threat posed by pills, leading the charge against a 2019 California law requiring public universities to make the drugs available.
齐格勒还指出，这项关于饮用水检测的计划其实提供了一种新的方法，可以用来追踪与堕胎相关的药物：“如果想要对任何与米非司酮（mifepristone）有关的行为进行有效的法律追究，就必须知道是谁使用了这种药物——而这需要有一种能够检测米非司酮存在的检测方法。这个想法真的很聪明，他们在这方面确实非常擅长。”
As they reached for ways to fearmonger in liberal states, Hawkins recalled a tale she had heard about someone “scooping” fetuses out of a water treatment plant. By 2020, she was leaning hard into the idea that fetal remains and abortion-medication residue in the drinking water supply were a threat to public health.
我第一次接触霍金斯的世界，是在休斯顿郊区的一家咖啡馆里的一个温暖春日早晨。当时她正与一群穿着红色‘Students for Life’T恤的学生志愿者们围坐在一起。霍金斯不喝咖啡，也拒绝饮用自来水（因为她担心自来水可能被污染）；她偏爱的咖啡因来源是能量饮料“Celsius”。我问她：“你是否担心用于制作这些饮料的自来水里可能含有堕胎药物？”她带着一丝讽刺的口吻回答道：“你知道的，艾米，这个问题本身就很荒谬。”
The idea that we’re “drinking other people’s abortions” became a punch line in pro-choice circles, mocked by leading Democrats and rejected by environmental and health experts. Even some of Hawkins’ allies were dubious. But the idea gained traction. Last year, lawmakers in seven states introduced abortion water-safety bills, and an Illinois congresswoman proposed a five-year federal prison term for any doctor who doesn’t offer pill patients a “catch kit” for blood and fetal remains.
霍金斯之所以来到德克萨斯州，是因为那里即将举行中期选举；她需要利用这些选举来影响选民，并通过社交媒体来传播自己的观点。在咖啡馆外，她与学生们一起拍摄了一段TikTok视频，他们准备去挨家挨户为那位名叫布里斯科·凯恩（Briscoe Cain）的极右翼州议员拉票。布里斯科·凯恩曾在自己的法学院创立了‘Students for Life’组织。
Then in September, Hawkins posted a video on X announcing that the EPA is adding mifepristone and misoprostol—along with birth control pills and hormones used in gender-affirming care—to the list of chemicals it wants states to test for in drinking water. “We’re literally breaking the story!” she declared, jumping up and down in her excitement. “Ahhhhh!”
他参选的国会选区属于五个被唐纳德·特朗普总统下令重新划分的选区之一；根据这些新的选区划分，共和党在11月的选举中从民主党手中夺走了这些席位。
A couple of weeks later, Students for Life warned that if the FDA doesn’t act on mifepristone within 60 days, it will sue, alleging that the agency’s 2000 approval of the drug violated the Endangered Species Act.
学生们分散在大房子林立、花园整洁的社区里，告诉寥寥几位开门的居民：共和党领跑者、获特朗普背书的投资银行家亚历克斯·米勒（Alex Mealer）未回复“生命行动学生会”（Students for Life Action）的候选人调查问卷，而凯恩（Cain）则获得了满分100%。（几周后，凯恩惨败。）接下来的任务是：拍摄一段视频，证明在法律严格的德克萨斯州获取堕胎药是多么容易，希望借此促使州和联邦官员加大力度遏制网络销售。
This was classic Hawkins: transforming the outer fringe into the political mainstream. “A lot of the ideas that Students for Life comes up with, when you first hear them, people are just like, ‘That’s ridiculous,’” Ziegler, the legal historian, told me. But boiled down to an Instagram reel, they seem plausible enough to appeal to the same eco-warriors and MAHA moms worried about pesticides, birth control side effects, and vaccines.
摄地点设在标志性的休斯顿太空中心停车场，显然是因为霍金斯（Hawkins）高中时曾在那里参加过一个夏季太空营。霍金斯23岁的社交媒体协调员、Z世代术语和TikTok潮流教练莉迪亚·泰勒·戴维斯（Lydia Taylor Davis）正在走一遍钓鱼执法行动的计划。“我直接开始，”霍金斯厉声打断道，“我不需要剧本。”另一名工作人员用iPhone开始录制，从那一刻起，计划迅速偏离了轨道。
The drinking water testing also suggests a new mechanism for tracking abortion drugs, Ziegler told me. “If you’re ever going to have meaningful prosecutions of anything having to do with mifepristone, you’re going to have to know when somebody took [it], which means you’re going to have to have a method of detecting [it],” she said.
原定方案是从几家服务商处购买药丸，由霍金斯扮演男性施暴者，戴维斯扮演16岁少女，旨在将邮购供应商描绘成鲁莽危险的形象。出于连她自己都无法解释的原因，霍金斯为其男性施暴者的替身选了个化名“旺达”（Wanda）。但当戴维斯录入信息时，遇到了麻烦。
“It’s really clever,” she added. “They’re really good at that kind of thing.”
“我们来看看它会不会让我订购！”她对着镜头夸张地说道。随后尴尬地笑了笑：“噢。”她并不知道，她针对的那个组织——马萨诸塞州药物流产获取项目（The MAP）——早已在系统中将戴维斯拉黑，因为“生命学生会”曾在社交媒体上预告过这场钓鱼执法行动。霍金斯试图亲自下单来挽救这出闹剧，但“旺达”不小心报了15岁的年龄，低于The MAP的年龄限制。
My foray into Hawkins’ world began on a warm spring morning at a coffee shop on the outskirts of Houston, where she was huddling with a group of eager-looking student volunteers in red Students for Life T-shirts. Hawkins doesn’t drink coffee, and tap water is out because she thinks it might be contaminated.
此时一名保安走了过来，告诉她们不能在此拍摄。她们本想证明远程医疗服务不筛查客户，结果反而意外证明了相反的情况。这出闹剧仿佛是反堕胎运动当前困境的隐喻：随着药丸自由跨越州界流通，阻止它们的策略注定会失败。在X上抱怨药丸多么容易获得，反而可能变成邮寄堕胎的公益广告。
Her caffeine fix of choice is the energy drink Celsius. Does she worry there might be abortion medication in the water that’s used to make these drinks? I asked. She responded with a touch of sarcasm, “You know what, Amy, that the question.”
第二天一早我们飞往拉伯克，参加得克萨斯理工大学的活动。在机场洗手间，霍金斯准备妆容时我陪在一旁。她拔掉了感应水龙头的电源，霸占插座给她的各种电器充电。她的iPhone不断响起Microsoft Teams的提示音，那是她那100人的团队发来的更新。
re in Texas because Hawkins had a midterm primary to influence and a social media machine to feed. Outside the cafe, she filmed a TikTok video with the students as they prepared to door-knock for an ultra-right state representative named Briscoe Cain, who had founded a Students for Life group at his law school. The congressional district he was running for was one of five that Republicans had just redrawn at President Donald Trump’s behest to take seats from Democrats in November. The students fanned out in the neighborhoods of large homes with neat gardens, telling the few people who answered their doors that the GOP frontrunner, Trump-backed investment banker Alex Mealer, hadn’t returned Students for Life Action’s candidate survey, while Cain had scored 100 percent. (A few weeks later, Cain was trounced.) Next up: filming a video that would demonstrate just how easy it was to obtain abortion pills in Texas, despite its stringent laws, in the hopes that state and federal officials would do more to rein in online sales. We set up in the parking lot of the iconic Space Center Houston, apparently chosen because Hawkins had spent a summer at space camp in high school. Lydia Taylor Davis, Hawkins’ 23-year-old social media coordinator and coach on Gen Z terminology and TikTok trends, was running through the plan for a sting operation. “I’ll just start,” Hawkins snapped. “I don’t need a script.”Another staffer hit record on an iPhone, and from there, the scheme rapidly went off the rails. The plan was to purchase pills from a couple of services, with Hawkins posing as a male abuser while Davis pretended to be a 16-year-old—all to try to portray mail-order suppliers as reckless and dangerous. For reasons even she couldn’t explain, Hawkins chose the fake name “Wanda” as her male-abuser alter ego. But when Davis input her information, she hit a snag.
“品牌顾问大概会说你不该拍我，”霍金斯一边穿着T恤，涂抹止汗剂，往长长的棕色头发上喷了大量造型产品，以便将其盘成筒状卷发，一边对我说道。“顾问的调调就是别把疯癫的一面展示出去。”
“Let’s see if it lets me order them!” she told the camera dramatically. Then, laughing awkwardly, “Oh.”Unbeknownst to her, the group she was targeting, The Massachusetts Medication Abortion Access Project (The MAP), had blocked Davis in its system after Students for Life teased the sting operation on social media. Hawkins attempted to save the stunt by placing her own order, but “Wanda” accidentally gave her age as 15, below The MAP’s cutoff. Now a security guard was wandering over to tell them they couldn’t film. Having set out to show that telemedicine services don’t screen their clients, they inadvertently proved the opposite. The stunt felt like a metaphor for the anti-abortion movement’s current plight: As pills flow freely across state lines, the strategies to stop them are destined to fail. Ranting on X about how easy pills are to obtain can end up being a PSA for abortion by mail.
然而，她听起来却是最不疯癫的自己，我们聊起了作为哺乳期妈妈在外奔波有多糟心，以及父母对她工作的不同看法；妈妈很支持，但爸爸始终不理解政治这行。“我记得‘生命学生会’成立几年后……他就像说：‘那你现在要去读法学院了？’”她回忆道。“我当时就像：‘不，爸爸，我不会去的。’”霍金斯用蒸汽熨斗烫平衬衫，调整好丈夫坚持让她穿的防弹背心。
We flew to Lubbock early the next morning for the event at Texas Tech, and Hawkins and I hung out as she got ready in the airport bathroom.
她在高中第一天就遇到了乔纳森·霍金斯。“这是我这辈子见过最帅的人，”她记得自己当时这么想。他们于2006年结婚并开始生育孩子，孩子们现在年龄跨度从11岁到17岁。丈夫和孩子们大多时间待在爱达荷州的家里，但直到2024年，全家一直住在房车里，以便跟着她在全国奔波。网络上的厌女者没完没了地叫嚣让她回厨房、当妈妈去。
“我就在他妈的厨房里，”她抱怨道，讲述自己在这次行程前拂晓就起床，做了面包、炖牛肉、辣椒炖肉和巧克力碎饼干。
She unplugged the automatic sinks and commandeered their outlets for her various appliances. Her iPhone dinged constantly with Microsoft Teams updates from her staff of 100.
这些正是那些“男性圈”批评者，他们相信阻止堕胎药的唯一途径，就是逮捕服用药物的女性。50年来，堕胎反对者一直将重点放在将提供者定罪，而非患者。但在后罗伊时代，每年有成百上千人无需见医生即可获取药物流产药，将堕胎定罪的想法正抬头。今年，各州立法者共提出了14项法案，旨在对堕胎女性以谋杀罪论处——与几年前仅有3项法案相比，大幅增加。在提出这些法案的大多数州，终止妊娠者将有资格被判处死刑。
“My brand consultant would probably say you shouldn’t be filming me,” Hawkins told me, as she stood in a T-shirt, applying deodorant and spraying copious amounts of product in her long brown hair so she could twist it into barrel curls. “The consultant vibe is not to share the crazy.”
“我认为，这个国家至今仍未在任何州彻底禁止堕胎的一个原因，就是反堕胎运动主要由女性领导。”
And yet, she sounded like the least crazy version of herself, as we chatted about how much it sucked to be a breastfeeding mom on the road and about her parents’ differing views of her work; her mom loves it, but her dad has never gotten the politics stuff. “I remember a couple of years after we started Students for Life…he was like, ‘So are you going to go to law school now?’” she recalled. “I was like, ‘No, Dad, I’m not.’”Hawkins pulled a steamer through her blouse and adjusted the bulletproof vest her husband insisted that she wear. She met Jonathan Hawkins on the first day of high school. “This is the most attractive person I’ve ever seen in my life,” she remembered thinking. They married in 2006 and started having children, who now range in age from 11 to 17. He and the kids spend most of their time at their home in Idaho, but until 2024, the family lived in an RV so they could follow her around the country. The online misogynists tell her endlessly to get back to her kitchen and being a mom. “I in the freakin’ kitchen,” she groused as she described rising at the crack of dawn before this trip to make bread, pot roast, chili, and chocolate chip cookies.
霍金斯反对惩罚那些寻求堕胎服务的人；她认为这样做会引发巨大的社会反弹。“未来，对所有相关人士进行刑事处罚的可能性确实存在，”她告诉我，“但我相信这不会在我有生之年发生，因为当前的社会文化环境还不支持这种做法。”那些主张对堕胎者进行法律制裁的人曾多次对她发起攻击：他们出现在她的校园活动中，高声诵读《圣经》经文，并在YouTube上发布长篇抨击她的视频。
These are the same manosphere critics who believe that the only way to stop abortion pills is to arrest the women who are taking them. For 50 years, abortion opponents have focused on criminalizing providers rather than patients. But in the post-era, when hundreds of thousands of people each year are accessing medication without ever seeing a doctor, the idea of criminalizing abortion is on the rise. This year, state lawmakers considered 14 bills that would have charged women who have abortions with homicide—a major increase from a few years ago, when there were just three bills.
在俄克拉荷马州的一次校园活动中，当霍金斯反驳那些反对堕胎的人时，反对堕胎组织“Abolitionists Rising”的创始人T·拉塞尔·亨特对近50万YouTube观众宣称：“她彻头彻尾是‘上帝之言’的敌人。”
In a majority of states where these bills were floated, those who terminated their pregnancies would have been eligible for the death penalty.
反堕胎组织“White Rose Resistance”的创始人塞思·格鲁伯也在自己的视频中表示：“这个国家至今仍未在任何州彻底禁止堕胎的一个原因，就是反堕胎运动主要由女性领导。”这些攻击行为已经变得非常恶劣；霍金斯甚至曾在社交媒体上写道：“可悲的是，我最害怕遭到攻击的人，大多数其实并不是那些疯狂的左翼分子（他们大多没有枪，也不知道如何使用枪……而是那些反对堕胎的人。”
“One of the reasons that we have not ended abortion in a single state in this country, I think, it’s because the pro-life movement is led largely by women.”
不过，霍金斯也找到了利用这些攻击来为自己发声的方法。去年，在加州大学伯克利分校的校园活动中，反对堕胎的人冲着她大喊：“你有没有胆量当面叫我‘女权主义者’？”并公开了她每年32万美元的薪水。霍金斯告诉我，当时路过的两名年轻女性似乎认为那些对她大喊大叫的人一定是支持堕胎权利的。
Hawkins opposes punishing patients, at least in part because she believes it would create a huge cultural backlash. “At some point, criminalization for everyone could be on the table,” she told me. “I don’t think it’s in my lifetime, for sure, because culture is not there.”The “pro-prosecutionists,” as Hawkins calls them, have come after her, showing up at her campus events shouting Bible verses and posting lengthy YouTube diatribes. “She’s an enemy of the word of God, through and through,” declared Abolitionists Rising founder T. Russell Hunter to a YouTube audience of nearly 500,000—larger than Students for Life’s following on the platform—after she shouted down a contingent of abolitionists who confronted her at a campus event in Oklahoma. “One of the reasons that we have not ended abortion in a single state in this country, I think, it’s because the pro-life movement is led largely by women,” Seth Gruber, founder of the anti-abortion group White Rose Resistance, said in his own viral clip. The attacks have become so ugly that at one point, Hawkins posted on“The sad thing is the people I fear getting shot by, most of the time, aren’t crazy Leftists (most of them don’t have guns or how to use them, lol)…but ‘abolitionists.’” (“Kristan loves slander,” Abolitionists Rising posted on Facebook. “The idea that abolitionists would seek to kill her is patently insane.”) But Hawkins has found a way to use those battles in her favor. Last year, abolitionists showed up at her campus event at the University of California, Berkeley, screaming, “Do you have the guts to call me a misogynist to my face?” and broadcasting her $320,000 annual salary. Hawkins told me that two young women passing by seemed to assume the lady being shouted down by anti-abortion men must be pro-choice. “And then some of the girls were like, ‘Oh, you’re pro-life, okay, I just want to let you know I’m sorry that this is happening to you,’” Hawkins recalled. “And I’m like, ‘Well, that’s great. Let’s have a conversation about why these guys don’t like me.’”In her telling, the abolitionist bros gave Hawkins a chance to reach young women who wouldn’t otherwise have engaged with her. “I’m not paying [the abolitionists] money to be insane,” Hawkins told me, deploying the same word they used about her, “but I have joked about it.”They’ve also helped on the policy front by making her state-level efforts to ban abortion and repeal rape exceptions seem almost moderate. Yet as abolitionists gain ground, they’re also making it harder for Hawkins to straddle the anti-abortion movement’s growing divide. In April, Hawkins endorsed a South Carolina bill that would have imposed a near-total ban on abortion—the current law allows it through about six weeks of pregnancy—with a two-year jail term for anyone who got one. She only did so, she said, because she had been privately assured that the criminalization provision would end up being stripped out. (Students for Life later updated its press release to say it hoped the penalties against mothers would be removed; in any case, the entire bill failed.) But increasingly prominent male and female conservative influencers and activists are going over to the “pro-prosecutionist” side. In June, more than 60 of them endorsed a petition to remove “wholesale legal immunity for mothers” from abortion bans. “It’s important to be logically consistent,” the popular Christian podcaster Allie Beth Stuckey said in a video explaining her stance. Her wording struck me as familiar. It was the same rationale that Hawkins had used to tell me why a 9-year-old rape victim should give birth.
“有些女孩对我说：‘哦，你反对堕胎，好吧，我只是想告诉你，发生这样的事我感到很抱歉。’”霍金斯回忆道，“我回答说：‘那很好，我们不妨聊聊为什么这些人不喜欢我。’”在她看来，这些废奴主义者为她提供了一个机会，让她能够接触到那些原本不会与她交流的年轻女性。“我并没有付钱给这些废奴主义者让他们来‘为我出头’，”霍金斯对我说，“不过我确实拿他们的话开玩笑过。”
Hawkins favors another, no less draconian solution to the abortion-pill problem: the 1873 Comstock Act. On a rainy day in May, I watched her deliver four boxes of petitions to the Department of Justice demanding that it enforce this Victorian-era anti-vice law that could be used to ban the mailing of any drug or device used in an abortion.
这些废奴主义者还在政策层面上给予了她帮助——他们让她推动的禁止堕胎以及废除与强奸相关的堕胎豁免条款的提案看起来显得相对‘温和’一些。然而，随着废奴主义者势力的增强，霍金斯在反堕胎运动中的立场也变得越来越难以维持（因为该运动内部的分歧正在加剧）。今年4月，霍金斯支持了南卡罗来纳州的一项法案，该法案几乎完全禁止堕胎（现行法律仅允许在怀孕六周以内堕胎），并规定任何实施堕胎行为的人都将面临两年监禁的处罚。
她表示，她之所以这么做，是因为有人私下向她保证这项法案中的刑事处罚条款最终会被删除。（后来，“Students for Life”组织更新了他们的新闻稿，表示希望取消对母亲的处罚措施；无论如何，这项法案最终未能通过。）不过，越来越多的保守派男性和女性意见领袖及活动家开始转向支持“追究堕胎行为责任”的立场。
6月，有60多名这类人士联名签署了一份请愿书，要求取消堕胎禁令中对母亲的“法律豁免权”。“保持逻辑一致性非常重要，”受欢迎的基督教播客主持人艾莉·贝丝·斯塔基（Allie Beth Stuckey）在解释自己立场时说道。她的言辞让我感到很熟悉——这正是霍金斯曾经用来说服我“一个9岁的强奸受害者应该生下孩子”的理由。
If broadly interpreted, the federal statute could effectively shut down abortions in the formal healthcare sector nationwide; in its original incarnation 150 years ago, it was also used to target information.
霍金斯倾向于另一种同样严苛的解决堕胎药问题的方案：1873年的《康斯托克法案》。在一个五月的雨天，我目睹她向司法部递交了四箱请愿书，要求其执行这部维多利亚时代的反恶习法律，该法可被用于禁止邮寄任何用于堕胎的药物或器械。若作广泛解释，这项联邦法规实际上可能在全国范围内关闭正规医疗体系内的堕胎服务；150年前该法最初颁布时，也曾被用于打击相关信息的传播。
Hawkins confidently claimed afterward that the DOJ was actively discussing the idea, though a spokesperson told that she had “misunderstood what was communicated by our attorneys.”It seemed like another wild Hawkins ploy gone awry—until July, when now–Attorney General Todd Blanche vowed during his confirmation hearing to review options to enforce Comstock. In August, Trump tapped Dr. Heidi Overton to run the FDA. She has argued the agency shouldn’t have allowed telehealth abortion to begin with, and in her Senate confirmation hearing last week, she said nothing to suggest she has changed her mind, referencing an ongoing FDA review of mifepristone’s safety as “very important.”The previous FDA director had slow-walked that review, to the fury of Hawkins and her allies.
事后，霍金斯自信地声称司法部正在积极讨论这一想法，尽管一位发言人表示她“误解了我们律师的沟通内容”。这看起来像是霍金斯又一个失败的花招——直到7月，现任司法部长托德·布兰奇在确认听证会上誓言将审查执行《康斯托克法案》的选项。8月，特朗普提名海迪·奥弗顿博士出任FDA局长。她曾主张FDA本不应允许远程医疗堕胎，在上周的参议院确认听证会上，她没有表现出任何改变立场的迹象，提到FDA正在进行的米非司酮安全性审查“非常重要”。前任FDA局长曾拖延该审查，激怒了霍金斯及其盟友。
Of course, if Hawkins gets her Comstock wish—a 50-state abortion ban that nobody voted on—the backlash would be seismic. Her most prized goal of changing the culture is proving to be elusive. During this fall’s midterm elections, four states will have abortion on the ballot, including Hawkins’ home state of Idaho, where voters will consider a citizen-initiated measure to repeal the state’s near-total ban.
当然，如果霍金斯如愿以偿地实施《康斯托克法案》——一项无人投票通过的50州堕胎禁令——反弹将是巨大的。她最珍视的改变文化的目标证明依然遥不可及。在今年秋季的中期选举中，四个州将就堕胎权进行公投，包括霍金斯的家乡爱达荷州，选民将审议一项由公民发起的废除该州近乎全面堕胎禁令的提案。
Since 2022, Idahoans have lost a third of their obstetricians and watched miscarrying women be flown out of state by helicopter to save their lives. So perhaps it’s no surprise that when Hawkins held a meeting for initiative opponents in August at her local coffee shop in Teton Valley, she got kicked out by the shop’s irate pro-choice owner.
自2022年以来，爱达荷州居民失去了三分之一的产科医生，并目睹流产的妇女被直升机送往州外以挽救生命。因此，或许并不令人惊讶的是，当霍金斯8月在提顿谷当地的一家咖啡店为反对倡议者举行会议时，她被这家店愤怒的支持选择权店主赶了出去。
Hawkins’ video of the confrontation went viral. But like the sting operation in the Houston parking lot, it had the flavor of a self-own. The owner reported he’d been so flooded with support—and orders—from around the country afterward that he was having trouble keeping up. Hawkins had set out to make abortion unthinkable. And with her own content, she had proved that, even here, in her own deep-red state, she had failed.
霍金斯拍摄的冲突视频在网络上疯传。但就像休斯顿停车场的钓鱼执法行动一样，这带有自食其果的意味。店主事后表示，他收到的全国各地的支持和订单多得应接不暇。霍金斯原本旨在让堕胎成为不可想象之事。然而凭借她自己的内容，她反倒证明了，即使在这里，在她这个深红州，她也失败了。《罗诉韦德案的终结者：我对堕胎权神秘消亡的调查》
Killers of Roe: My Investigation Into the Mysterious Death of Abortion Rights