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英国绿党错了——犹太复国主义并非种族主义The UK Greens are wrong – Zionism is not racism

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英格兰和威尔士绿党领袖扎克·波兰斯基2026年10月2日在英国布莱顿举行的绿党年会上发表主旨演讲[安迪·雷恩/路透社]Leader of the Green Party of England and Wales, Zack Polanski, delivers his keynote speech at the Green Party annual conference in Brighton, Britain, 02 October 2026 [Andy rain/EPA]

这一概念既被其支持者,也被其反对者以极其讽刺的方式利用和曲解,就像“犹太复国主义”一样。正当你以为自己已经见惯政治场上的种种,不再会真正感到惊讶,甚至也不会再感到震惊时,英格兰和威尔士的绿党却偏偏做到了这一点。周日举行的年度党代会上,该党以微弱多数投票通过了一项成员动议,宣布犹太复国主义——这一概念在最宽泛的意义上主张犹太民族在其历史故土拥有民族自决权——是种族主义的,同时支持“在整个历史巴勒斯坦地区建立一个统一的民主巴勒斯坦国”。

这一决定不仅出人意料,而且造成了深远的伤害:既损害了巴勒斯坦事业,也破坏了和平前景,而且坦率地说,还削弱了绿党作为英国政坛新兴力量而获得认真对待的公信力。

tion has been so cynically exploited and distorted by both its supporters and its detractors as Zionism. Just when you think you have seen enough in politics to stop being genuinely surprised, let alone shocked, the Green Party of England and Wales has managed to do exactly that. The decision at its annual party conference on Sunday to vote, albeit by a small majority, in favour of a members’ motion declaring Zionism – which, at its broadest, asserts the Jewish people’s right to national self-determination in their historic homeland – to be racist, while supporting a “single democratic Palestinian state in all of historic Palestine”, was not only unexpected but deeply damaging: to the Palestinian cause, to the prospects for peace, and, to be completely honest, to the Green Party’s claim to be taken seriously as an emerging force in British politics.

甚至在讨论这一决定本身之前,我们就不禁要问:对于一个始终以拯救地球免受气候变化灾难性威胁为存在理由的政党而言,为何其年度党代会的头条新闻却聚焦于以色列-巴勒斯坦问题?本应讨论的是英国如何最好地遏制和逆转全球变暖、实现净零排放,以及应对其他诸多能够团结该党、而非将其撕裂的议题。至少,这样的关注点或许能让其议员们在下周重返威斯敏斯特之前,重振精神。

Even before addressing the decision itself, one has to ask why, for a party whose raison d’être has always been saving the planet from the cataclysmic threat of climate change, the headlines at the end of its annual conference were about Israel-Palestine. They should have been about how best the UK could contain and reverse global warming, reach net zero, and address the many other issues that could unite the party rather than bitterly divide it. Such a focus might at least have given its MPs some spring in their step before returning to Westminster next week.

在我看来,将犹太复国主义视为“任何其他形式的种族主义”这一决定本身,恰恰暴露出支持者们对犹太复国主义基本原则的极度无知,而这种无知又源于对以色列国的敌意,甚至在某些情况下与反犹主义交织在一起。

The decision itself to treat Zionism as “any other form of racism” is, in my view, a sad reflection of the sheer ignorance of those who supported it regarding the fundamental principles of Zionism, fuelled by hostility towards the state of Israel and, in some cases, intertwined with antisemitism.

犹太复国主义运动诞生于欧洲,是对猖獗的反犹主义的反应。在某些地区,反犹主义表现为暴乱、驱逐、迫害和系统性歧视。同时,它也是一场改革运动,反抗犹太正统教义,试图从内部改变犹太历史的方向,使犹太人能够像其他民族一样成为一个国家,而不是继续作为分散流离、孤立隔绝的少数族裔生活在散居地。

The Zionist movement emerged in Europe as a reaction to rampant antisemitism, which in some places manifested itself through pogroms, displacement, persecution and systematic discrimination. It was also a reformist movement that rebelled against Jewish orthodoxy, seeking to change the course of Jewish history from within and enable Jews to become a nation like other nations, rather than remain a secluded and isolated minority living in the diaspora.

早期的犹太复国主义者认为这种状况是不自然的,并最终会导致灾难性后果。他们相信,这一问题不能仅靠解放来解决,而必须通过自我解放——换言之,通过建立一个独立的犹太国家——来实现。

Early Zionists regarded this condition as unnatural and ultimately disastrous, believing that it could be resolved not through emancipation alone but through self-emancipation – in other words, by establishing an independent Jewish state.

一个拥有共同身份、历史、宗教、传统和语言的人群渴望获得国家地位,这本身并不包含任何种族主义色彩。犹太教不仅仅是一种宗教,更是一种文化认同以及民族和历史归属感。正如政治学家兼历史学家本尼迪克特·安德森著名的论点所言,所有民族都是社会建构,或者说“想象的共同体”。犹太民族对自我决定的渴望,既源于其圣经中记载的独立历史以及随后的流亡与迫害,也受到19世纪在欧洲盛行的、由民族国家构成的世界观念的影响。

There is nothing inherently racist in the desire of a group of people who share a common identity, history, religion, traditions and language to achieve statehood. Judaism is not merely a religion; it is also a cultural identity and a sense of national and historical belonging. As the political scientist and historian Benedict Anderson famously argued, all nations are social constructs, or “imagined communities”. The Jewish people’s longing for self-determination was shaped by their biblical history of independence, followed by exile and persecution, as well as by the European ideology of a world composed of nation-states that took hold in the nineteenth century.

经过犹太复国主义运动内部长期而痛苦的讨论,人们逐渐意识到,对于支持这一理念的人来说,最具有吸引力的土地是古老的以色列之地(Eretz Israel)。但这并不意味着可以免除犹太复国主义运动所内化的那种充满严重问题且带有强烈殖民色彩的观点——即认为以色列之地在某种程度上是一片“未开垦”的土地。“一个没有人民的土地,属于一个没有土地的人民”这一口号,正是这种严重错误认知的集中体现。

After much and bitter deliberation within the Zionist movement, it became apparent that the territory that appealed most to those who embraced the idea was the ancient Eretz Israel. This is not to exonerate the Zionist movement from internalising the deeply problematic notion, with strong colonial undertones, that the land of Israel was somehow a virgin territory. The slogan “a land without a people for a people without a land” encapsulated that profoundly mistaken perception.

由于犹太复国主义运动试图在其祖先的土地上建立一个犹太国家,巴勒斯坦人遭受了巨大的苦难,这一点毋庸置疑:从1948年的“大灾难”(Nakba),到1967年开始的对约旦河西岸和加沙的占领,再到东耶路撒冷和约旦河西岸不断扩张的定居点,以及以色列为回应2023年10月7日哈马斯的大屠杀而在加沙对巴勒斯坦人造成的种种暴行。

The immense suffering of Palestinians as a result of the Zionist movement’s drive to establish a Jewish state in the land of their forefathers is indisputable: from the 1948 Nakba to the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza that began in 1967, to the expanding settlements in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, and to the horrors inflicted on Palestinians in Gaza in Israel’s response to the Hamas massacre of October 7, 2023.

然而,犹太复国主义所制定的最核心文件——1948年5月14日的《以色列独立宣言》——设想的既是一个犹太国家,也是一个民主国家,两者原则并无主次之分。当时,犹太复国主义领导层接受了将托管巴勒斯坦划分为犹太国家和阿拉伯国家的方案。以色列存在种族主义吗?是的。它存在于以色列社会之中,并在现任政府执政期间表现得尤为明显。

Yet the most fundamental document produced by Zionism – Israel’s Declaration of Independence of 14 May 1948 – envisaged a state that was both Jewish and democratic, without one principle taking precedence over the other, at a time when the Zionist leadership accepted the partition of Mandatory Palestine into Jewish and Arab states. Is there racism in Israel? Yes. It exists within Israeli society and has become particularly pronounced under the current government.

以色列的巴勒斯坦公民是否享有法律面前的完全平等和免于歧视的自由?答案是否定的。在这方面,以色列社会尚未做到;许多主要代表犹太选民的政党拒绝与阿拉伯政党共同执政,无论其政治立场如何,这种做法在民主制度中都是具有歧视性且不可接受的。

Do Palestinian citizens of Israel enjoy complete equality before the law and freedom from discrimination? No. Israeli society falls short in this respect, and the refusal by many parties representing predominantly Jewish voters to sit in government with Arab parties, regardless of their political positions, is discriminatory and unacceptable in a democracy.

然而,所有这一切并不意味着以色列国或整个犹太复国主义项目本质上就是种族主义的。犹太复国主义运动一直充满多样性,不幸的是,其中也包含过种族主义元素,但这些元素从未代表犹太复国主义的全部,甚至未必是其主导的传统。

None of this, however, makes the state of Israel, or the entire Zionist project, inherently racist. The Zionist movement has always been diverse and has unfortunately included racist elements, but they have never represented the totality, or even necessarily the dominant tradition, of Zionism.

实际上,绿党要求以巴勒斯坦取代以色列、建立单一巴勒斯坦国的主张,是一项令人震惊的、旨在消灭现有联合国成员国的呼吁。1947年联合国大会第181号决议曾呼吁将托管的巴勒斯坦划分为犹太国和阿拉伯国。以色列于次年成立,并于1949年加入联合国。该分割计划中尚未实现的部分,正是建立一个巴勒斯坦国,而这需要结束占领,并创造实现真正巴勒斯坦人民自决的条件。国际社会的努力应当聚焦于此。

Practically speaking, the Green Party’s call for a single state called Palestine to be established in place of Israel is a shocking call for the elimination of an existing UN member state. UN General Assembly Resolution 181 of 1947 called for the partition of Mandatory Palestine into Jewish and Arab states. Israel was established the following year and admitted to the United Nations in 1949. What remains unrealised from that partition plan is the establishment of a Palestinian state, which requires ending the occupation and creating the conditions for genuine Palestinian self-determination. That is where international efforts should be focused.

此外,绿党的这一干预几乎不可能选在更糟糕的时机:正值以色列激烈角逐的全国大选期间。此举正中本雅明·内塔尼亚胡及其极右翼盟友的下怀,他们正是靠“我们对抗全世界”的虚假叙事来壮大自身。在这种情况下,绿党恰好为他们提供了所需的弹药。

Moreover, this intervention by the Green Party could hardly have come at a worse time: in the midst of a bitterly fought Israeli general election campaign. It plays directly into the hands of Benjamin Netanyahu and his far-right partners, who thrive on the false narrative of “us against the world”. In this case, the Green Party has handed them precisely the ammunition they need.

绿党有权对巴以冲突发表自己的看法,其他任何政党也是如此。当前以色列政府、持续近六十年的占领以及定居点的扩张,都存在大量值得批评之处,而这些都阻碍了“两国方案”的实现。然而,试图将整个犹太复国主义运动污蔑为种族主义、否认犹太人民的自决权,并呼吁一个得不到大多数巴勒斯坦人支持的单国方案,最终反映出的更多是绿党自身的政治幼稚、无知和道德沦丧,而非犹太复国主义的问题。

The Green Party is entitled to its opinion on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as is any other political party. There is much to criticise about the current Israeli government, the occupation of nearly six decades and the expansion of settlements, all of which obstruct the possibility of a two-state solution. But attempting to smear the entire Zionist movement as racist, denying the Jewish people’s right to self-determination, and calling for a one-state solution that does not enjoy the support of most Palestinians ultimately reflects more on the Green Party’s political immaturity, ignorance and moral bankruptcy than it does on Zionism.