字号·· | 护眼
国会山报

把你的政治立场抛在脑后:格陵兰是美国的历史性胜利Leave your politics behind: Greenland is a historic US victory

点「原文对照」整页切到原文,或双击某段只看那段的原文。

美国、丹麦和格陵兰签署了一项协议,它将成为美国一代人以来在北半球取得的最大战略成果。协议没有有效期,将为支持美国国防提供长期军事和安全优势,同时允许丹麦保留对格陵兰岛逾82.5万平方英里领土的主权。政治因素不应蒙蔽美国这一战略胜利,因为它 strengthens了北约安全并促进了关系发展。从设立军事基地到获得飞越权,新协议赋予美国在格陵兰岛广泛的军事准入权。

The U.S., Denmark and Greenland have signed an agreement that will be the biggest American strategic gain in the Northern Hemisphere in a generation. The agreement has no expiration date and provides enduring military and security advantages in support of the U.S. national defense while allowing Denmark to retain its sovereignty over Greenland's more than 825,000 square miles of territory. Politics should not cloud this strategic victory for the U.S. which increases NATO security and builds relationships. From basing to overflight rights, the new agreement gives the U.S. broad military access to Greenland.

冷战期间,美国在格陵兰岛运营 numerous设施,但此后将其存在缩减至仅保留皮图菲克太空基地。新协议为美国扩大在皮图菲克太空基地的活动创造了机会,并允许美国在就细节达成进一步协议后,在格陵兰岛南部的纳萨尔苏瓦克和东部的梅斯特斯维格设立防区。协议还规定了增设防区的程序,以及对拟议中的无人军事设施进行快速审查的机制。

During the Cold War, the U.S. operated numerous installations in Greenland, but has since reduced its presence to only Pituffik Space Base. The new agreement creates opportunities for the U.S. to expand its activities at Pituffik Space Base and, subject to further agreement on the details, establish defense areas at Narsarsuaq in southern Greenland and Mestersvig in the East. It also sets out a process for additional defense areas and expedited review of proposed unmanned military installations.

格陵兰岛对美国本土和北大西洋的防御至关重要,原因有二。第一,它位于格陵兰—冰岛—英国间隙这一关键海上咽喉要道的西缘。第二,它拥有前沿雷达覆盖范围,可监测俄罗斯弹道导弹和远程飞机前往美国所必经的最短航线。从莫斯科到华盛顿的大圆航线经过格陵兰岛南部附近,全程约4800英里。相比之下,飞机从莫斯科出发、经巴黎飞往华盛顿,路程将多出500多英里。

Greenland is critical to the defense of the American homeland and the North Atlantic for two reasons. First, it sits on the western edge of the Greenland-Iceland-United Kingdom gap, a key naval chokepoint. Second, it hosts forward-based radar coverage along the shortest path that Russian ballistic missiles and long-range aircraft would take to reach the U.S. A great-circle route from Moscow to Washington passes near Greenland’s southern tip and is roughly 4,800 miles. For comparison, an aircraft flying from Moscow to Washington by way of Paris would travel over 500 miles farther. What's more, Greenland’s ability to monitor satellites passing over the polar region makes it one of the most valuable pieces of terrain for American missile warning, space surveillance, and future missile-defense systems, including Golden Dome, which the agreement specifically discusses as a purpose of expanded American access.

更重要的是,格陵兰岛具备监测飞越极区卫星的能力,这使其成为美国导弹预警、太空监视以及未来导弹防御系统(包括“金穹”)最有价值的部署区域之一;协议明确讨论了扩大美国准入权限,其中包括“金穹”系统。此外,北极海冰融化正在提高航运路线及昔日难以通行的地区在特定季节的可达性,而中国已在这些地区确立自身影响力。

Furthermore, melting Arctic ice is increasing seasonal access to shipping routes and formerly rugged areas where China has already asserted itself. China’s 2018 Arctic policy calls the country a “Near-Arctic State” and seeks a role in Arctic shipping, infrastructure, and resource development through what it calls a “Polar Silk Road.”

中国2018年北极政策将本国称为“近北极国家”,并寻求通过其所称的“冰丝路”在北极航运、基础设施和资源开发中发挥作用。根据新协议,美国公务船将获准进入格陵兰领海内的水下区域。随着这些航线日益易于通航,这将有助于美国及其盟友在北极地区巡逻和开展监测。该协议还限制了中国和俄罗斯在格陵兰岛建立军事据点的机会。

Under the new agreement, American public vessels will receive undersea access within Greenland’s territorial waters, helping the U.S. and its allies patrol and monitor the Arctic as these routes become more accessible. The agreement also limits the opportunities for China and Russia to gain a military foothold in Greenland. Non-NATO states cannot establish military installations or maintain a persistent military presence unless the parties agree. Denmark and Greenland must also screen foreign activity in sensitive sectors, including infrastructure and resource extraction for threats to national security.

除非缔约方同意,非北约国家不得设立军事设施或维持长期军事存在。丹麦和格陵兰还必须审查外国在基础设施和资源开采等敏感领域的活动,以确定其是否对国家安全构成威胁。如果格陵兰选择独立,这些条款将显得尤为重要:协议要求独立的格陵兰继承相关义务,并继续留在北约或申请加入北约。最后,随着格陵兰岛资源和北极地区的重要性日益上升,该协议使美国处于更有利的位置。

Those provisions matter even more if Greenland chooses independence: the agreement requires an independent Greenland to assume its obligations and remain in NATO or apply to join. Finally, the agreement places the United States in a stronger position as Greenland’s resources and the Arctic become more important. Greenland has an estimated 1.5 million metric tons of rare-earth reserves. It also has large deposits or prospects involving copper, nickel, zinc, tungsten, uranium, graphite, platinum-group metals, gold, and iron.

据估计,格陵兰岛拥有150万吨稀土储量,还拥有大量与铜、镍、锌、钨、铀、石墨、铂族金属和铁有关的矿藏或勘探前景。这些资源中的若干种是武器、飞机、雷达、电子设备、电池、电机和先进制造业的重要组成材料。

These resources are some of important components of weapons, aircraft, radar, electronics, batteries, motors, and advanced manufacturing. The broader West Greenland-East Canada geological province is estimated to contain 7.8 billion barrels of undiscovered, technically recoverable oil and 91.9 trillion cubic feet of natural gas.

范围更大的西格陵兰—加拿大东部地质区域估计蕴藏着78亿桶尚未发现但技术上可开采的石油,以及91.9万亿立方英尺天然气。尽管该协议并未直接赋予美国对格陵兰矿产资源的所有权或自动开采权,但它有助于阻止中国、俄罗斯等美国竞争对手控制敏感资源领域,并为未来美国及其盟友的投资创造更有利的条件。美国并未占领或购买格陵兰,而是获得了广泛的军事准入权,增强了北美防务,并对非北约国家在该岛建立军事据点设置了长期限制。

Although the agreement does not outright give the U.S. ownership of Greenland’s mineral resources or automatic extraction rights, it does help prevent American competitors, like China and Russia, from getting control of sensitive resource sectors and creates better conditions for future American and allied investment. The U.S. did not seize or purchase Greenland. It secured broad military access, strengthened the defense of North America, and placed enduring restrictions on non-NATO countries establishing a military foothold on the island.

格陵兰人民仍有权决定自己的政治未来,而该协议的设计宗旨是确保他们若选择独立,美国仍能保持准入。无论人们如何看待促成该协议的政治背景,这些都是实质性成果,也是美国在战略上的一场胜利。约翰·斯宾塞是麦迪逊政策论坛战争研究领域的主席,弗兰克·维奥拉是该论坛的研究员。

The people of Greenland retain the right to decide their political future, while the agreement is designed to preserve American access if they choose independence. Whatever one thinks of the politics that led here, those are substantial gains and a strategic U.S. victory. John Spencer is the chair of War Studies at the Madison Policy Forum, where Frank Viola is a fellow.