“不要让他们通过！”——他们休想通过。这是直击我身份核心的呐喊。同样这一反法西斯口号，我那位经历过西班牙内战恐怖的西班牙外祖母听过，也在我的犹太裔祖父母生活的伦敦回荡。九十年前，正是这一呐喊团结了数万名东区居民，他们在凯布尔街战役中昂首挺立，对抗奥斯瓦尔德·莫斯利的“黑衫军”。
“No pasarán!” – they shall not pass. It’s the rallying cry that strikes at the core of my identity. The same anti-fascist slogan heard by my Spanish grandmother, who endured the horrors of that country’s civil war, echoed in London where my Jewish paternal grandparents lived. Ninety years ago, it was this cry that united tens of thousands of East Enders, who stood tall against Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts at the battle of Cable Street.
这个故事家喻户晓。1936年，截然不同的群体聚到一起，阻止极右翼游行——犹太裔居民、爱尔兰码头工人、索马里海员、工会会员、独立社会主义者和共产党人等等。
The story is well known. In 1936, disparate communities came together to block the far right from marching – Jewish residents, Irish dockers, Somali seamen, trade unionists, independent socialists and communists alike.
这些群体在身份、背景或信仰上并不一致。他们的团结体现了一种包容的英国性，邻里之间互相照应。当莫斯利的法西斯分子想要将他们从英国社会中清除时，他们站在一起捍卫自己与众不同的权利，同时在一个给予他们庇护的英国找到了共同的事业。九十年后，关于如何定义英国性的争夺再次降临。
These groups were not uniform in identity, background or belief. Their solidarity was the expression of a tolerant Britishness, where neighbours look out for one another. When Mosley’s fascists wanted to rid British society of them, they stood together to defend their right to be different, while finding common cause in a Britain that had given them sanctuary. Ninety years later, the contest to define Britishness is with us again.
我们在多佛和朴茨茅斯戴着面罩的暴徒身上，在贝尔法斯特移民被烧出家门的场景中看到了这一点。正如莫斯利的“黑衫军”一样，这些极端分子推行狭隘的种族民族主义，不容不同信仰或背景的人存在。
We see it in the balaclava-clad mobs in Dover and Portsmouth, and scenes of immigrants being burned out of their homes in Belfast. Much like Mosley’s Blackshirts, these extremists push a narrow ethnonationalism with no space for different faiths or backgrounds.
威胁包容、开放的英国的不只是极右翼。近年来的极端主义也源自极端伊斯兰主义势力和暴力仇恨犯罪的实施者。
And it is not just the far right that threatens a tolerant, inclusive Britain. The extremism of recent years also comes from extreme Islamist sources and perpetrators of violent hate crimes.
今年早些时候，在我的选区，犹太志愿救护车被纵火焚毁。一个月后，两名外表显露犹太身份的男子被刺伤。我出生长大的社区遭到了袭击。
Earlier this year, in my constituency, Jewish volunteer ambulances were torched. A month later, two visibly Jewish men were stabbed. My community, where I was born and raised, came under attack.
我明确谴责宗派意识形态和暴力恐吓的本质：这是非英国式的、反犹太主义的。正如我在事后所说，对英国犹太人的攻击就是对英国本身的攻击。
I condemned, with clarity, sectarian ideology and violent intimidation for what it is: un-British and antisemitic. As I said in the aftermath, an attack on Britain’s Jews is an attack on Britain itself.
工党政府对新出现的极端威胁的回应必须强硬果断。我们将伊朗伊斯兰革命卫队（IRGC）——涉嫌策划救护车袭击事件——列为禁组，并对地方警务进行了创纪录的投资。
The Labour government’s response to new extreme threats must be hard-edged and decisive. We proscribed Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) – suspected of being behind the ambulance attack – and made record investment in local policing.
但我们也必须倡导一种新的、进步的爱国主义。极端分子和宗派分子制造分裂以便从中牟利——无论是冷血杀害曼彻斯特希顿公园犹太人的伊斯兰极端分子，还是在游行中袭击警员的极右翼暴徒。一些政治领袖通过煽动文化战争、激化暴力来回应，只会让局势恶化。所谓的反种族主义团体对街头反犹暴力保持沉默，同样让局势恶化。
But we must also champion a new, progressive patriotism. Extremists and sectarians create division in order to exploit it – be it the Islamist extremist who murdered Jews in cold blood at Heaton Park, Manchester, or the far-right thugs who assault police officers on marches. Responding by fuelling culture wars and inciting further violence, as some political leaders did, makes things worse. So-called anti-racist groups staying silent on the antisemitic violence on our streets makes things worse.
我们必须赢得关于“何为英国人”这场论战的胜利。我们必须展现一种对差异抱有好奇而非恐惧的政治姿态。一种既接纳根脉可追溯至《末日审判书》的族裔，也接纳犹太裔和西班牙裔移民后代的政治。一种充满活力的爱国主义，承认事物有变有恒。
We must instead win the argument about what it means to be British. We must model a politics that is curious about difference, not frightened of it. One that embraces those who trace their roots to the Domesday Book as well as the granddaughter of Jewish and Spanish immigrants. A dynamic patriotism that accepts that some things will change, and others will endure.
我们不能对威胁我们共同价值观的势力心存天真。我们必须打击那些企图破坏我们生活方式的人，同时避免将整个群体妖魔化。但爱国主义不能仅关乎我们反对什么——它必须是我们为之奋斗的愿景。
We cannot be naive about the threat to our shared values. We must tackle those who seek to undermine our way of life, without demonising entire communities. But patriotism cannot only be about what we are against – it has to be a vision we are fighting for.
2013年，伦敦北部巴尼特的索马里布拉瓦内斯穆斯林社区中心被烧毁，现场喷有“EDL”（英格兰防卫联盟）字样。芬奇利改革犹太教堂（FRS）敞开大门，为索马里布拉瓦内斯社区提供祈祷和疗愈的场所。2026年，芬奇利改革犹太教堂遭遇纵火未遂后，索马里布拉瓦内斯社区成员大批前来参加周五晚间的安息日礼拜。索马里和犹太社区携手展现韧性，共同捍卫我们在英国的家园——正如当年的电缆街之战。
In 2013, the Somali Bravanese Muslim community centre in Barnet, north London, was burned to the ground, and the letters EDL were found sprayed on the building. Finchley Reform Synagogue (FRS) opened its doors for the Somali Bravanese community to pray and to heal. And, in 2026, after an attempted arson attack on the FRS, the Somali Bravanese community showed up in force for the Friday night Shabbat service. Somali and Jewish communities were resilient, together, in defence of our home in Britain – just like at Cable Street.
这就是我为之奋斗的英国。不同文化交织成的挂毯，造就了一个丰富、自豪、坚韧的英国身份认同。当宗派势力试图分裂我们时，我们的挑战是为安全、公平和宽容而战。
That’s the Britain I fight for. A tapestry of different cultures that creates a rich, proud, resilient British identity. When sectarian forces seek to divide us, our challenge is to fight for security, fairness and tolerance.
正如首相安迪·伯纳姆在其党代会演讲中所说，我们需要建设一个团结而非分离的国家。这就是电缆街精神。我们必须再次向那些将暴力恐吓视为答案的人宣告：“No pasarán！”——他们休想得逞。
As the prime minister, Andy Burnham, said in his party conference speech, we need to build a country of solidarity, not separation. That is the spirit of Cable Street. And we must declare once again to those who see violent intimidation as the answer: “No pasarán!” – they shall not pass.
萨拉·萨克曼是芬奇利和戈尔德斯格林选区的工党议员，兼任法院和法律服务国务大臣。
Sarah Sackman is the Labour MP for Finchley and Golders Green and minister of state for courts and legal services