
美国在伊拉克军事任务的结束,使库尔德斯坦地区面临严重的安全真空。埃尔比尔正努力应对深层内部分歧,而德黑兰则处于有利位置,可实现战略收益。
The end of the US military mission in Iraq leaves the Kurdistan region facing a severe security vacuum. As Erbil grapples with deep internal divisions, Tehran is well positioned to make strategic gains.
伊拉克人上周庆祝最后一批美军撤离,结束了长达二十多年的冲突。美国在伊拉克军事任务的结束,为这个半自治的库尔德地区制造了危险的安全真空。
Iraqis last week celebrated the departure of final US forces after more than two decades of conflict The end of the US military mission in Iraq has created a dangerous security vacuum for the semi-autonomous Kurdish region.
巴格达的政客们庆祝撤军,伊拉克总理阿里·扎伊迪正式宣布10月1日为“主权与独立日”。德黑兰、伊斯兰革命卫队(IRGC)以及伊朗支持的什叶派民兵也为这一举动欢呼。但在伊拉克库尔德地区首府埃尔比尔,气氛明显焦虑得多。
Politicians in Baghdad celebrated the withdrawal with Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi officially declaring October 1 a "Day of Sovereignty and Independence." Tehran, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and Iranian-backed Shiite militias also cheered the move. But in Erbil, the capital of Iraq's Kurdish region, the mood is markedly more anxious.
在依赖华盛顿保护了二十年后,伊拉克库尔德斯坦地区(KRI)现在面临着交织的危机,包括来自巴格达要求集权的日益增大的压力,以及来自邻国(尤其是伊朗)不断升级的军事威胁。
Having relied on Washington's protection for two decades, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) now faces intertwined crises, including mounting pressure from Baghdad to centralize power and escalating military threats from its neighbors, most notably Iran.
为何伊拉克难逃美国与伊朗的影响 要观看此视频,以及 一种遏制战略 布鲁塞尔的中东分析师赫萨姆·达斯特皮什表示,对库尔德斯坦地区的直接威胁不是全面军事入侵,而是缓慢、精心计算地蚕食其自治权。他将德黑兰对埃尔比尔的总体战略描述为敌对且高度聚焦于遏制。
Why Iraq can't escape the US and Iran To view this video , and A strategy of containment The immediate threat to the Kurdistan region isn't a full-scale military invasion, but rather a slow, calculated chipping away of its autonomy, said Hesam Dastpish, a Middle East analyst based in Brussels. He describes Tehran's overarching strategy toward Erbil as hostile and heavily focused on containment.
这位专家强调,伊朗伊斯兰共和国最终希望剥夺库尔德斯坦地区的政治影响力,将其降格为一个纯粹的行政机构。
The Islamic Republic ultimately wants to strip the KRI of its political clout, reducing it to a purely administrative body, the expert stressed.
“德黑兰的目标是将库尔德地区变成一个完全没有回旋余地的机构,”达斯特皮什对德国之声表示,并指出伊朗在该地区反复实施打击,借口是针对伊朗库尔德反对派团体的营地。
"Tehran's goal is to turn the Kurdistan region into an institution with absolutely no room to maneuver," Dastpish told DW, pointing to Iran's repeated strikes in the region supposedly targeting camps of Iranian Kurdish opposition groups.
萨拉丁·哈迪维是伊朗库尔德地区马哈巴德的一名政治分析师,他表示,邻国并不一定想要彻底消灭库尔德人的自治权。
Salahuddin Khadiw, a political analyst based in Mahabad in Iran's Kurdish region, said that neighboring states don't necessarily want to wipe out Kurdish autonomy completely.
相反,他强调,德黑兰设想的是一个“受控且虚弱”的库尔德斯坦。
Instead, he underscored, Tehran envisions a "controlled and weak" Kurdistan.
他认为,通过分别应对埃尔比勒和苏莱曼尼亚的竞争对手权力中心,伊朗在库尔德斯坦地区(KRI)维持了影响力,同时试图防止任何单一的库尔德当局在其西部边境崛起为占主导地位的力量。
By dealing separately with the rival power centers in Erbil and Sulaymaniyah, he argued, Iran has maintained influence across the KRI while seeking to prevent any single Kurdish authority from emerging as a dominant power on its western border.
内部碎片化仍是致命缺陷 尽管面临外部挑战,伊拉克库尔德地区最关键的脆弱性来自内部。
Internal fragmentation remains a fatal flaw Despite the external challenges, the Iraqi Kurdish region's most critical vulnerability comes from within.
1990年代内战的遗留问题通过两大主要执政派系之间根深蒂固的 rivalry 延续至今:库尔德斯坦民主党(KDP)和库尔德斯坦爱国联盟(PUK)。
The legacy of the 1990s civil war lives on through the deeply entrenched rivalry between the two main ruling factions: the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK).
中东伊拉克和库尔德事务分析师希瓦·马哈茂德·奥斯曼指出,德黑兰严重依赖这种内部摩擦。他告诉德国之声(DW):“伊朗花了数十年时间掌握在伊拉克内部的政治影响力。库尔德人最大的障碍是他们自身的分裂。如果没有统一阵线,外国势力就有更大的操作空间。” 美军从伊拉克撤军对库尔德人意味着什么?
Hiwa Mahmoud Osman, an analyst on Iraqi and Kurdish affairs in the Middle East, pointed out that Tehran leans heavily on this internal friction. "Iran has spent decades mastering political influence inside Iraq," he told DW. "The Kurds' biggest hurdle is their own fragmentation. Without a united front, foreign powers simply have more room to operate." What will the US troop withdrawal from Iraq mean for Kurds?
德黑兰的中东研究员阿尔代希尔·帕尚警告称,如果库尔德领导人无法修补他们的政治争端,这种不团结最终可能导致库尔德斯坦地区作为一个政治实体的崩溃。
Ardeshir Pashang, a Middle East researcher in Tehran, warned that if Kurdish leaders fail to patch up their political quarrels, this disunity could ultimately lead to the collapse of the Kurdistan region as a political entity.
反对派的困境 一个特别棘手的问题是伊朗库尔德反对派组织在库尔德斯坦地区(KRI)寻求庇护。
The opposition dilemma A particularly thorny issue is the presence of Iranian Kurdish opposition outfits taking refuge in the KRI.
这些历史上曾与伊朗国家军队发生冲突的组织,目前正面临解除武装和搬迁的巨大压力。
These groups, which have historically clashed with Iranian state forces, are now under immense pressure to disarm and relocate.
达斯皮什表示,他们的存在为伊朗提供了跨越边境发动无人机和导弹袭击的便利借口。
Their presence provides Iran with a convenient pretext to launch drone and missile strikes across the border, said Dastpish.
但他并不指望埃尔比勒会提出“完全投降”,因为与这些团体保持平衡对于KRI的国内合法性和外交关系至关重要。
But he doesn't expect Erbil to offer "total surrender," as maintaining a balance with these groups is crucial for the KRI's domestic legitimacy and foreign relations.
佛罗里达州政治学研究员Kasra Gharadaghi认为,这些群体现在比以往任何时候都更加脆弱。
Kasra Gharadaghi, a political science researcher based in Florida, argues that these groups are now more vulnerable than ever.
他说,如果伊朗能够在美军仍全面部署的情况下袭击他们的庇护所--最终达成2023年巴格达和德黑兰之间的边境安全协议--那么埃尔比勒的影响力现在几乎不存在,这赋予了德黑兰更多的权力来迫使让步。
If Iran was able to strike their sanctuaries while US forces were still fully deployed — culminating in a 2023 border security pact between Baghdad and Tehran — Erbil's leverage is now practically non-existent, giving Tehran significantly more power to force concessions, he said.
在伊拉克的伊朗库尔德人面临战争恐惧,流亡美元外交是美国的隐藏武器虽然美国军队可能已经离开,但华盛顿在伊拉克的影响力并没有完全消失。它只是转向了全球金融网络。加拉达吉将这描述为“权力重新调整”,美国、土耳其和沙特阿拉伯成为伊朗日益扩大的影响力的天然制衡力量。
Iranian Kurds in Iraq face war fears, exile Dollar diplomacy is America's hidden weapon While American troops may have left, Washington's leverage in Iraq has not entirely disappeared. It has simply transitioned toward global financial networks. Gharadaghi describes this as a "realignment of power," where the US, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia act as natural counterweights to Iran's growing reach.
奥斯曼也赞同这一观点,强调伊拉克在财政上对美元的严重依赖。这一经济纽带使美国财政部能够间接影响巴格达的内政,甚至确保向KRI公务员支付工资。
Osman echoed this view, highlighting Iraq's deep financial reliance on the US dollar. This economic tether allows the US Treasury to indirectly influence Baghdad's internal affairs, right down to ensuring salaries are paid to KRI civil servants.
哈迪同样将这一战略转向描述为美国从“军事平衡者”转变为“强大的经济观察者”。“但分析人士表示,随着内外压力的增加,伊拉克库尔德地区可能别无选择,只能弥合内部分歧,建立统一战线,以维护其自治权并限制伊朗在该地区的战略利益。编辑:Srinivas Mazumdaru
Khadiw similarly characterizes this strategic pivot as America transitioning from a "military balancer" to a "powerful economic observer." But as internal and external pressures mount, the analysts said, Iraq's Kurdish region may have little choice but to heal its internal divides and present a united front to preserve its autonomy and limit Iran's strategic gains in the region.