
2025年CPAC大会上的埃隆·马斯克。《阻挡者》书评:迈克尔·刘易斯著——试图阻止“政府效率部”的无名英雄 《点球成金》作者运用其卓越的叙事技巧,剖析马斯克的反政府十字军东征唐纳德·特朗普的灾难性错误吸走了太多目光,以至于其系统性破坏极易被忽视。当世人因其在伊朗的闹剧般战争、移民与海关执法局(ICE)特工的暴行,或对加拿大、丹麦等昔日盟友的荒诞攻击而震惊不已时,美国政府的核心职能正在缓慢解体。
Elon Musk at the CPAC conference in 2025. Review Blockers by Michael Lewis review – the quiet heroes who tried to stop Doge The author of Moneyball author brings his exceptional narrative skills to bear on Musk’s anti-government crusade onald Trump’s catastrophic errors get so much attention that his systemic ones can easily be missed. While the world looks on in dismay at his farcical war in Iran, the thuggery of Ice agents or clownish attacks on erstwhile allies like Canada and Denmark, the core functions of the American government are slowly disintegrating.
要让公众聚焦国家机器的运转更为困难,因为其影响往往缓慢且难以厘清。疾病爆发——如近期席卷全美的爆发性腹泻疫情——或许本就会发生,但疾控中心(CDC)的大规模裁员极可能加剧了事态。同样,特朗普对自然灾害不负直接责任,但过去一年的响应速度可能因国家气象局的大量裁员而受阻。税收征管的削减似乎也使收入减少数十亿美元,尽管我们无法确定因果关系。
It is harder to get people to focus on the machinery of the state because the effects are often slow and hard to pin down. Outbreaks of disease – such as the recent wave of explosive diarrhoea across the US – might have happened anyway, but were probably made worse by lay-offs at the Centers for Disease Control. Likewise, Trump is not directly responsible for natural disasters, but response times in the past year may have been hampered by mass redundancies at the National Weather Service. Cuts to tax collection also seem to have reduced revenue by multiple billions, though we cannot be sure of the causal relationship.
另一个问题是,官僚体系难以变得引人入胜。其工作技术性强、复杂繁琐,大多数官员被教导在公开场合避免发表任何生动的言论。等到记者解释清楚某机构的职能及其重要性时,读者早已点开下一条内容。
The other problem is that bureaucracies are hard to make interesting. Their work is technical and complicated, and most officials are taught to avoid saying anything engaging in public. By the time a journalist has explained what an agency does and why it is important, the reader may well have clicked on to the next thing.
因此,鲜有人比迈克尔·刘易斯更适合讲述这个故事。作为全球最畅销的非虚构作家之一,他擅长寻找切入点,穿透复杂性。在职业生涯中让读者为信用违约互换(《大空头》)和棒球统计学(《点球成金》)着迷后,他决定帮助人们理解文职人员的重要性。
So there are few better suited to the challenge of telling this story than Michael Lewis, one of the world’s bestselling nonfiction writers, who has a knack for finding an angle that cuts through the complexity. After a career spent getting readers excited about credit default swaps (The Big Short) and sabermetrics (Moneyball) he has decided to try to help people understand the importance of civil servants.
《Blockers》可以被视为《The Fifth Risk》的续集。在《The Fifth Risk》中,刘易斯主要探讨了从奥巴马政府向特朗普政府的过渡时期,以及新政府成员对自身职责的极度漠视所造成的种种破坏。这部新书则更深入地分析了各个政府部门和机构的职能及其重要性。不过,这次的问题不再是官僚们的冷漠态度,而是他们蓄意破坏国家秩序的恶意行为。
Blockers is a loose sequel to the The Fifth Risk, in which Lewis focused on the transition from the Obama to the Trump administration and the disruption caused by the new team’s almost complete lack of interest in their jobs. It focused heavily on what different departments and agencies do and why they matter. This time around the problem is not indifference but malicious intent to destroy.
书中的“阻挡者”指的是那些努力阻止埃隆·马斯克及其追随者肆意破坏国家基础设施或个人工作的官员们——他们的职责范围很广,从负责预防野火的研究人员,到试图阻止马斯克的打手进入其办公楼的保安,再到努力防止个人税务信息被用于驱逐非法移民的律师。
The “blockers” are the dedicated officials who try to stop the wanton and often illegal destruction of their life’s work by Elon Musk’s Doge or other agents of chaos. They range from a researcher working on preventing wildfires to a security guard trying to block Musk’s goons from entering his building, and a lawyer attempting to keep personal tax data from being used to deport undocumented migrants.
实际上,这些“阻挡者”几乎无法真正阻止那些破坏行为:他们要么在被迫做违法事情时选择辞职,要么被直接解雇。书名“Blockers”更多反映了马斯克及其同伙对他们的误解——他们认为这些人是在阻碍国家进步,因此必须被清除。书中大部分内容都在描述这些官员在被解雇之前的宝贵工作。
In truth, they don’t do much blocking – since they all either end up resigning when they’re asked to do something illegal, or are fired. The title refers more to the assumption by Musk and his fellow travellers that these are the people who are stopping progress and need removing. Much of the book is taken up with descriptions of the valuable work they did before being turfed out.
关于那些参与破坏国家秩序的“反派角色”,书中其实应该提供更多信息。他们的动机各不相同:有的是马斯克雇佣的、缺乏社交能力的年轻程序员;有的是为了寻求轻松生活的叛变官僚;还有一些非常奇怪的人物,比如卫生部长小罗伯特·肯尼迪,他对动物尸体有着奇怪的癖好。特朗普的商务部长霍华德·卢特尼克也在书中短暂登场,他坚持要求所有金额超过10万美元的支票都必须由他亲自签字批准。
It would have been good to have a bit more on the villains, whose motivations for participating in Doge are varied. They range from the addled young coders with limited social skills deployed by Musk, to turncoat bureaucrats looking for any easy life, and some very strange characters such as health secretary Robert F Kennedy Jr, with his bizarre obsession with dead animal parts. Trump’s absurd commerce secretary Howard Lutnick also makes a brief cameo, deciding he needs to personally sign off any cheque for more than $100,000.
其实,关于这些人之所以会做出这种行为,他们的个人经历和背景应该有更多的解释和描述才更完整。
It feels as if there is more to say about the personal journeys that lead people to behave this way.
这一点在反派角色拉塞尔·沃特(Russell Vought)身上表现得尤为明显——他是共和党人,负责制定特朗普第二任期的“Project 2025”计划。马斯克虽然制造了诸多混乱,但很快就对“Doge”(一种加密货币)失去了兴趣,随后回到了硅谷;而沃特才是真正的幕后黑手:他默默地、有条不紊地破坏着美国的政府体系,同时躲在幕后,让别人替他完成那些肮脏的工作。
This is the particularly true of the boss baddie Russell Vought, the Republican operative central to developing the Project 2025 plans for Trump’s second term. Musk causes havoc, but quickly gets bored of Doge and heads back to Silicon Valley. Vought is the real deal, quietly and systematically deconstructing the state while keeping out of the spotlight and getting others to do his dirty work for him.
沃特在书中一个非常引人入胜的章节中出现了。这个章节重点讲述了弗朗西斯·柯林斯(Francis Collins)的生平:她是一位科学家,成功发现了治疗囊性纤维化(cystic fibrosis)的方法,使许多患者得以延长寿命。柯林斯曾在奥巴马执政期间担任美国国立卫生研究院(NIH)的负责人,继续在特朗普执政期间以及拜登执政初期任职,之后辞职去管理自己的研究实验室。
He appears in one of the book’s most engaging chapters, which zooms in on Francis Collins, a scientist who helped discover a successful treatment for cystic fibrosis, allowing those with the condition to live much longer. Collins ended up at the head of the National Institutes of Health under Obama, continued through Trump’s first term and part of Biden’s, before stepping down to run an NIH research lab.
特朗普再次当选后,她被迫离职,称自己的职位已经“无法继续维持下去”。书中列举了可能导致她离职的多种原因,其中沃特推行的成本削减政策是重要因素之一。值得注意的是,沃特的女儿本身也患有囊性纤维化……意识形态(即政治信仰)其实是一种具有强大影响力的“武器”。
After Trump’s re-election he was effectively forced out, saying that his position had become “untenable”. Lewis runs through a series of possible culprits, of which Vought’s cost-cutting is one. What makes this particularly remarkable is that Vought’s own daughter has cystic fibrosis. Ideology is a powerful drug.
不过,也许最有趣的角色是萨希尔·拉文吉亚(Sahil Lavingia):他是一名成功的软件工程师,曾相信马斯克的愿景,因此加入了特朗普政府下属的退伍军人事务部门(Department of Veterans Affairs)工作。然而他只在那里工作了55天,就公开表示:“其实政府的工作还算不错……说实话,它的效率并没有我预期的那么低;我原本以为会更容易取得‘成功’(即实现自己的目标)。”由于他的言论与政府的官方立场相悖,他很快就被解雇了。
But perhaps the most interesting character of all is Sahil Lavingia. A successful software engineer, he bought into Musk’s vision and went to work for Doge in the Department of Veterans Affairs. He only lasted 55 days before giving an on-the-record interview in which he noted that “it’s kind of fine – because the government works. It’s not as inefficient as I was expecting, to be honest. I was hoping for more easy wins.”This was not on-message and he was shown the door.
几个月后,当 Doge(一个曾经风靡一时的项目)彻底失败后,刘易斯被一位仍在财政部工作的幸存者重新聘用了。Lavingia 的任务是改进美国国税局的计算机系统;尽管她并不需要这笔钱,但她似乎真的致力于让这些系统变得更高效、更可靠。通过 Lavingia 的工作,我们得以一窥政府为提升自身运作效率所付出的努力。
A few months later, though, once Doge had fallen apart, he was invited back by one of the few survivors, who had stayed on at the Treasury department. Lavingia was tasked with improving the Internal Revenue Service’s computer systems, and despite not needing the money, seems genuinely committed to the task of making things work better. Through Lavingia, Lewis gives us a taste of what serious work to enhance the state might have looked like.
无论是英国还是美国,政府的运作方式都存在诸多问题:资源匮乏、系统效率低下,以及技术人员的薪资远低于私营部门。除了像刘易斯这样的优秀公务员外,还有许多员工早已对工作失去兴趣,或者干脆“被制度束缚”(即无法主动改变现状)。Lavingia 为更换一台饮水机而进行的漫长斗争,让我想起了自己在教育部工作时为修复电梯所经历的种种困难。
There are real problems with the way the government operates, both in the UK and the US, caused by poor resourcing, dysfunctional systems, or low pay for technical staff compared with the private sector. Alongside Lewis’s star civil servants, there are people who have checked out or become institutionalised. Lavingia’s lengthy battle to get a water cooler replaced reminded me of how difficult it was to get the lifts working when I was at the Department for Education.
Doge 项目短暂存在期间最令人恼火的现象之一,就是那些本应明白事理的人纷纷发表评论文章,庆祝有人终于试图推动改革(尽管这些改革措施显得笨拙且带有攻击性)。事实上,马斯克的傲慢态度、油嘴滑舌的言辞以及完全缺乏准备的态度,严重损害了改革事业的声誉。这种负面影响不仅源于马斯克等人造成的混乱局面,更是因为他们的行为让“提高政府效率”这一理念本身变得声名狼藉。
One of the most irritating aspects of Doge’s brief existence was the stream of op-eds from people who really should have known better celebrating that someone was finally trying to enact reform, even if was being done in a clumsy and aggressive manner. In reality, Musk’s overweening arrogance, glibness and total lack of preparation have seriously harmed the case for proper reform. Not just due to the mess he and the likes of Vought caused, but also because they brought the very idea of making the state more efficient into disrepute.
刘易斯非常擅长发现那些杰出的公务员,并讲述他们的故事。然而,各个政府部门其实不应该依赖那些默默无闻的英雄——他们为了公共服务而与糟糕的体制作斗争,每周工作长达90小时,却只获得微薄的报酬。大多数在大型机构工作的人并非如此。一个高效的政府需要那些能够被普通员工(那些每天朝九晚五工作的人)正常使用的、行之有效的运作机制。我们不应该试图复制那些“杰出个体的行为”,而应该了解这些优秀公务员的做法,并将这些做法融入到我们的制度体系中。
Lewis is great at finding incredible civil servants and telling their stories. But agencies and departments should not have to rely on unsung heroes, battling failing systems, and doing 90-hour weeks for little money because of their intense devotion to public service. Most people employed by large organisations are not like that. Effective government needs processes that work when used by a regular person doing a nine-to-five job. Rather than trying to replicate the “blockers”, we need to understand what these superstars are doing and embed it in the fabric of our institutions.