
从悉尼沿太平洋公路向北行驶,沿途城镇可能成为一国党的猎物。多年来,手工制作的路边标牌曾质疑气候变化,最近又反对议会原住民声音公投。如今,这些标牌热烈支持这个充满绝望的愤怒政党。
The drive north from Sydney along the Pacific Highway is lined with towns that are potentially prey for One Nation. For years, handmade roadside signs disputed climate change and more recently objected to the voice to parliament referendum. Now they stridently support the angry party of despair.
在波特马夸里附近,这些标牌已被一种最好描述为自制装置的东西取代。它是对本·罗伯茨-史密斯、一国党以及一个宣称“火烧说谎者”的基金会的致敬。一个基座顶着澳大利亚国旗——正如杰里·塞恩菲尔德曾经描述的那样,“夜晚的大不列颠”。
The signs have given way near Port Macquarie to what can best be described as a homemade installation. It is a tribute to Ben Roberts-Smith, One Nation, and a foundation that declares Fire the Liars. A plinth is topped by the Australian flag – “Great Britain by night” as Jerry Seinfeld once described it.

一条挂在树间的横幅暗示了这些社区中推动失望与愤怒的某种不满。它写道:CENTRELINK IS EVIL(中心链接是邪恶的)。
A banner strung between trees hints at one of the grievances fuelling disappointment and anger in these communities. It says: CENTRELINK IS EVIL.
考珀选区位于波特马夸里和科夫斯港之间,根据红桥调查,这是澳大利亚“最缺乏韧性”的社区之一。如果你不知道这一点,可能会认为这条横幅是在抗议社会福利支付。毕竟,一国党承诺削减政府开支,若得以实现,福利支付恐难幸免。
The electorate of Cowper, bookended by Port Macquarie and Coffs Harbour, is one of the ‘least resilient’ communities in Australia, according to a Redbridge survey. If you didn’t know this, you may think the banner was a protest against social security payments. After all, the One Nation promise to slash government spending would not, if realised, leave welfare payments untouched.
但事实上,这条横幅反映的是失业率高于平均水平、贫困更严重、教育水平较低、在争取应得福利时遭遇挫折的人们的挫败感。
Instead, the banner speaks to the frustration of people in an area with above average unemployment, more poverty, lower education, experience when trying to secure the benefits they are due.
即便是当地国家党议员也曾主张,求职者领取的中心链接补助金不足,需要提高,以减少人们被迫靠智慧生存、陷入贫困的情况。
Even the local National party MP has argued that the Centrelink payment for jobseekers is not enough and needs to be increased so fewer people are forced to live by their wits and in poverty.
称中心链接为“邪恶”,表达的是人们在填写无尽复杂表格时的疲惫,花在电话呼叫中心的漫长时光,以及担心就像robodebt事件和自动化养老及残疾评估工具那样,电脑可能只是说“不行”。
Calling Centrelink evil speaks to the exasperation of completing endless, complicated forms, the hours spent on the phone to call centres and the fear that, as with robodebt and the automated aged care and disability assessment tools, the computer may just say no.
在国际层面,澳大利亚在向有需要的人提供收入支持方面,表现优于大多数国家——在疫情期间,对大多数甚至所有需要帮助的人迅速发放职守者津贴(JobKeeper),堪称典范。而在美国的一些州,疫情在救济支票到达之前就已经结束了。
On an international scale, Australia is better than most nations in providing some income support to some of those who need it – the swift delivery of jobkeeper during the pandemic to most, if not all, who needed it, was exemplary. In some US states the pandemic was over before cheques arrived.

但澳大利亚远未达到完美。近400万澳大利亚人,其中包括75.7万儿童,生活在贫困之中,面临粮食和住房不安全的问题,且公共支持明显不足。
But it is far from perfect. Nearly 4 million Australians including 757,000 children live in poverty, with insecure food and housing and manifestly inadequate public support.
处于劣势前线的人们往往手头的物质和情感资源较少,许多人在申请政府支持的过程中精疲力竭。
Those at the pointy end of disadvantage are likely to have fewer physical and emotional resources at hand, and many are worn down by the experience of applying for government support.
他们感受到的挫败感是尖锐且个人化的。服务澳大利亚(Services Australia)办公室门口的保安会挺身而立——他们可能是必要的,但却让人感到不受欢迎。即便是意志坚韧的人,在试图应对一个似乎在暗指他们是骗子的系统时,也常常被逼到落泪。
The frustration they feel is acute and personal. Security guards stand to attention at Services Australia offices – they may be necessary, but do not make anyone feel welcome. Even resilient people are often reduced to tears as they attempt to navigate a system that seems to imply they are cheats.
美国记者安妮·劳瑞(Annie Lowrey)在其著作《时间税》(The Time Tax)中记录了,对过度官僚化系统的挫败感如何针对最脆弱群体,削弱公众对政府的信任,并助长了导致唐纳德·特朗普当选的条件。尽管他曾承诺改善人们的生活,但最终未能兑现诺言。
The American journalist Annie Lowrey documents in her book, The Time Tax, how the frustration with an overly bureaucratic system targets the most needy and eroded trust in government, and helped create the conditions that led to the election of Donald Trump. Despite promises to improve their lives, he has failed to deliver.
美国拥有超过1万个司法管辖区、无数支持项目和无休止的复杂表格,其体系使得澳大利亚模式显得高效且灵敏。但对于许多依赖该系统的人来说,感受并非如此。
The US system with its more than 10,000 jurisdictions, countless support programs and endless complicated forms makes the Australian model look effective and responsive. But that is not how it feels to many of those who depend on it.
在这两个国家,政客们花费太多时间谈论他们分配了多少资源,而花费太少时间解释如何实际领取这些资源。
In both nations, politicians spend too much time talking about how much they are distributing, and not enough time explaining how to receive it.
政治辩论中使用的惊人数字,并不总能转化为真正进入最需要者银行账户中的实际资金。削减政府支出不会让情况变得更好。
The bamboozlingly big numbers used in political debate don’t always translate into actual dollars in the bank accounts of the neediest. Cutting government spending won’t make things better.
民调机构Redbridge最近对澳大利亚选区韧性的调查,评估韧性不仅考虑收入,还包括医疗服务的可及性和社区网络的强度。
Polling group Redbridge’s recent survey on the resilience of Australian electorates assessed resilience not just in terms of incomes, but access to health services and the strength of community networks.
这勾勒出一幅令人不寒而栗的不平等图景——韧性最强的社区位于大城市的内城郊区,那里的人们在紧急情况下有所需资金、能获得优质医疗资源,并拥有强大的社交网络。而在外城郊区,财务安全感下降,社区网络也更薄弱。
It paints a chilling picture of inequality – with the most resilient communities in the inner suburbs of the major cities where people have the money they need in an emergency, access to quality health resources, and strong social networks. In the outer suburbs, financial security shrinks and community networks are also weaker.

在Centrelink(澳大利亚联邦人类服务部)旗帜飘扬的考珀选区,是健康方面韧性第六低的选区,紧随其后的是附近的帕特森和亨特选区。帕特森位于南方两小时车程处,是全国在健康、财务和社会关系方面韧性第十低的选区。
Cowper, where the Centrelink banner flies, is the sixth least resilient electorate in terms of health, followed by the nearby electorates of Paterson and Hunter. Paterson, two hours south, is the tenth least resilient electorate – in terms of health, finance and social relations – in the nation.
将一个国家党视为种族主义和无能并加以摒弃的倾向,尽管该党无疑具有这些特质,但这忽略了重点。感到被抛在后面的人必然会反击。网络宣传的无处不在助长了这种情绪,并导致了一些荒诞的结论。
The tendency to dismiss One Nation as racist and inept, which it no doubt is, misses the point. People who feel left behind will inevitably lash out. The ubiquity of online propaganda feeds this and leads to some wacky conclusions.
例如,洛伊研究所长期进行的关于澳大利亚人对国际领导人态度的调查显示,大多数澳大利亚人给总理打出正向净分,对唐纳德·特朗普和习近平持怀疑但仍为正面的态度,但对弗拉基米尔·普京和金正恩深感不信任。
One example, the Lowy Institute’s long-running survey of Australian attitudes to international leaders suggests that most Australians give the prime minister a net positive score, are sceptical but still positive about Donald Trump and Xi Jinping, but deeply distrustful of Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong-un.
相比之下,一个国家党的选民将总理排在普京和金正恩之间,给出了-82的负向净分。
One Nation voters, by contrast, put the prime minister between Putin and Kim, with a net negative score of 82.
无论安东尼·阿尔巴尼斯有何缺点,认为他与这些人齐名都是妄想。
Whatever Anthony Albanese’s shortcomings, to suggest that he is on par with these men is delusional.
在乔治·梅加洛吉尼斯的新书《三重冲击》发布会上,阿尔巴尼斯反驳了工党容易受一个国家党冲击的说法。他认为澳大利亚一直存在右翼残余势力。
At the launch of George Megalogenis’s book Three Shocks last month, Albanese disputed the suggestion that Labor was vulnerable to One Nation. He argued that there was always a rightwing rump in Australia.
从战术角度看这可能是对的,但真实的人们正在受苦,并被那些察觉到他们痛苦却无力解决、毫无荣誉可言的煽动者怂恿。
Tactically that may be true, but real people are hurting and being egged on by dishonourable agents who sense their pain but have no capacity to address it.
解决不公平是进步政府的职责,而不是把苦难当作政治的橡皮泥来玩。朱莉安·舒尔茨是《澳大利亚的理念》一书的作者。
Addressing inequity is the job of a progressive government, not treating the suffering like political playdough. Julianne Schultz is the author of The Idea of Australia