
问一位普通美国工薪人员,他们很可能会告诉你,我们的经济根本出了大问题。各行各业、大城市和小城镇,工薪阶层都在挣扎。他们的工资勉强维持生活,挣扎着支付房租和电费,更别说偶尔带家人外出就餐了。与此同时,我们的研究显示,2025 年顶级 CEO 给自己发了巨额加薪,现在他们拿的钱是普通工人工资的 300 倍以上。随着物价不断攀升,我们认为有一个强有力的解决方案:工会。
Ask an everyday working American, and they’ll likely tell you there’s something fundamentally wrong with our economy. Across industries, big cities, and small towns, working people are struggling. Their paychecks aren’t stretching far enough. They stress over every expense and struggle to cover rent and electric bills, let alone take their families to dinner once in a while. Meanwhile, our research shows that top CEOs gave themselves massive raises in 2025 and now make well over 300 times what typical workers are paid. As everything gets more and more expensive, we believe there is a powerful solution: unions.
工会合同能提高工人工资。经济政策研究所(EPI)的一份新报告显示,如果美国的工会密度翻三倍,普通工人的中位数工资将上涨 14.5%,相当于每年多拿 7700 美元,或相当于 7.5 周的额外收入。这在 35 年的职业生涯中累计约为 27 万美元。工会也是打击种族工资歧视的有力工具;报告显示,工会密度翻三倍将缩小种族工资差距超过三分之一。
Union contracts raise pay for workers. A new report from the Economic Policy Institute shows that tripling union membership in this country would deliver a 14.5% raise to the median worker—more than $7,700 a year or the equivalent of 7.5 extra weeks of pay annually. This adds up to nearly $270,000 over a 35-year career. Unions can also be powerful tools for combating racial pay discrimination; the new report shows tripling union membership would narrow the racial wage gap by more than a third.
工会密度翻三倍不仅让工会成员受益,非工会员工也会获得大幅加薪,因为强大的工会会提升整个经济的标准。总体而言,EPI 估计,工会密度翻三倍每年将把 1.2 万亿美元的财富从经济整体转移到工薪阶层,弥补自 1979 年以来不平等上升的三分之一。由于工会成员可以争取到更好的福利,如健康保险,工会密度翻三倍还将为 680 万更多美国人提供医疗保障。这是劳动运动所称的“工会差别”:更高的工资、医疗保障、退休安全、带薪假期和病假,以及工作上的尊严。
Tripling union density wouldn’t only benefit union members. Nonunion workers would also see large raises, because strong unions lift standards across the economy. All told, EPI estimates that tripling union membership would shift $1.2 trillion of wealth in the economy to working people every year, reversing a third of the rise in inequality since 1979. And because union workers can win better benefits like health insurance, tripling union membership would also provide health care to 6.8 million more Americans. It’s what the labor movement calls the union difference: higher wages, access to health care, retirement security, paid time off and sick leave, and dignity on the job.
一个30%的工人都是工会成员的经济体并非痴人说梦——它是我们自身历史的一部分。在20世纪30年代和40年代的新政政策保障了工人的合法权益后,工会成员数量激增。在20世纪50年代,工会成员比例超过了30%,劳动人民迎来了巨大的收益。工资增长了,种族间的工资差距缩小了。
An economy where 30% of workers are union members isn’t a pipe dreamーit’s part of our own history. After New Deal policies of the 1930s and 40s secured workers’ legal rights, union membership soared. In the 1950s, union membership was above 30%, and working people saw huge gains. Wages grew, and racial wage gaps shrank.
工会的一项根本承诺是工人将分享他们创造的利润——而一旦富有的高管和股东发现他们的净利润受到威胁,他们就开始着手攻击这一进步。
A fundamental promise of a union is that the workers will share in the profit they create—and as soon as wealthy executives and shareholders saw their bottom lines under threat, they went to work attacking that progress.
反工会的法院裁决和所谓的“工作权”州法律破坏了曾经保护工人的劳动法。无情且具有报复性的破坏工会行为给建立工会带来了巨大风险,各大公司每年花费超过15亿美元来阻止工人行使其组织起来的基本权利。特朗普政府削弱了劳工部的工人保护措施,并阻止了负责保护工人工会化和集体谈判权利的政府机构在2025年的几乎整整一年中运作,切断了工人寻求公正的途径。
Anti-union court rulings and so-called “right-to-work” state laws have broken the labor law that once protected workers. Relentless and retaliatory union-busting has created significant risks for unionizing, with corporations spending more than $1.5 billion a year to stop workers from exercising their fundamental right to organize. And the Trump Administration has weakened worker protections at the Department of Labor and prevented the government agency charged with protecting workers’ rights to organize and bargain collectively from operating for nearly all of 2025, closing off workers’ avenue for justice.
但工人们正在进行反击,并看到了切实的成果。基层正在发生的工会组织活动比我们有生之年任何时候都要多。工人们在制造厂、新闻编辑室、科技行业、医院、大学校园和建筑工地组织起来。他们通过女子体育领域的历史性合同改变了游戏规则。他们在南方的“工作权”州组织起来,并且由女性、有色人种社群和年轻工人领导。
But workers are fighting back, and seeing real results. There is more organizing happening on the ground than at any point in our lifetimes. Workers are organizing at manufacturing plants, in newsrooms, in technology, in hospitals, on college campuses, and construction sites. They’re changing the game with historic contracts in women’s sports. They’re organizing in “right-to-work” states in the South and are being led by women, communities of color, and young workers.
数据说明了一切。仅在2025年就有近50万名工人加入工会,工会工人数量达到了16年来的最高水平。2025年,公共部门雇员的工会化率上升至36.4%,受工会协议覆盖的私营部门工人数量增加了近25万人,涵盖医疗保健、零售、建筑和教育等行业。尽管特朗普政府剥夺了逾百万联邦工人的工会权利,但联邦工人的工会代表率在过去一年中实际上有所增长,达到了31.1%。
The results are in the numbers. Nearly half a million workers unionized in 2025 alone, and the number of workers in unions is at a 16-year high. Public-sector employees increased their unionization rates to 36.4% in 2025, and the number of private-sector workers covered by union contracts increased by close to a quarter million, including in industries such as health care, retail, construction, and education. Union representation among federal workers actually grew in the last year, reaching 31.1%, despite the Trump Administration stripping union rights from more than one million of those workers.
近期工人组织热潮的出现,与公众对工会的好感度急剧上升同时发生,美国有数百万非工会工人表示,如果有机会,他们明天就会加入工会。
The recent spike in worker organizing coincides with a sharp rise in public approval of unions, and there are millions of nonunion workers in the United States who say they would join a union tomorrow if given the opportunity.
尽管如此,我们知道工会会员人数仍然远低于释放工人力量全部潜力并提高整个经济体薪酬标准所需的水平。在我们取得重要进展的同时,我们仍然只有20世纪50年代高峰时期的约三分之一。现实情况是,仅靠组织起来无法修复一个对我们不利的体制。
Still, we know that union membership remains well below the level needed to unlock the full potential of worker power and raise pay standards across the economy. Even as we make essential progress, we’re still at about one-third of that 1950s high. The reality is that organizing alone can’t fix a system stacked against us.
我们清楚地看到,我们必须利用这一势头赢得关键立法,让美国人更容易组织起来——我们在国会拥有实现这一目标的路线图。我们相信《促进组织权利法案》(Protecting the Right to Organize Act)将恢复被法律漏洞侵蚀的工人保护,并对违反劳动法的公司实施真正的惩罚。该立法的一部分于今年夏天早些时候以两党支持在众议院获得通过。另一项法案《公共服务谈判自由法案》(Public Service Freedom to Negotiate Act)将首次确保全国每一名公共部门工人都有权进行集体谈判。
It’s clear to us that we must use this momentum to win key legislation that makes it easier for Americans to organize—and we have a roadmap in Congress to get there. We believe the Protecting the Right to Organize Act would restore worker protections eroded by legal loopholes and impose real penalties on companies that violate labor laws. Part of the legislation passed the House earlier this summer with bipartisan support. Another bill, the Public Service Freedom to Negotiate Act, would guarantee for the first time that every public-sector worker in the country has the right to bargain collectively.
除了这些必要的劳动法改革之外,国会还可以推行大胆的新提案,比如要求那些首席执行官的薪酬是普通工人至少100倍的公司进行集体谈判,或者保证新加入工会的工人获得生活成本加薪。
Alongside these necessary labor law reforms, Congress can pursue bold new proposals, like requiring collective bargaining at companies where CEOs are paid at least 100 times more than typical workers, or guaranteeing newly unionized workers a cost-of-living raise.
这些都是重大的斗争。但这些是我们能够取得胜利的斗争。这意味着要确保我们选出的领导人与工人们站在一起,而不是与亿万富翁站在一起,并通过支持工人的立法。这意味着要继续组织起来,哪怕老板和亿万富翁们试图从中阻挠。通过加强工人的组织权和集体谈判权,我们一定能共同为劳动人民建设一个更好的经济。因为研究证明了工人们一直以来深知的事实:加入工会更好。
These are big fights. But they are fights we can win. That means ensuring our elected leaders will stand with workers, not billionaires, and pass pro-worker legislation. It means continuing to organize, even when the bosses and billionaires try to stand in the way. Together, we can build a better economy for working people by strengthening workers’ rights to organize and bargain collectively. Because the research proves what workers have always known: It's better in a union.