
我16岁时第一次明白,我的生活并非完全由自己掌控。我出生于巴哈伊家庭。在伊朗伊斯兰共和国,这一事实本身就足以让我们成为目标——并非因为我们做了什么,而是因为我们的信仰。
I was 16 when I understood, for the first time, that my life was not entirely my own to plan. I was born into a Baha’i family. Under the Islamic Republic in Iran, that single fact was enough to make us targets — not because of anything we did, but because of what we believed.
伊朗的巴哈伊教徒是该国最大的非穆斯林少数群体,长达47年被禁止进入大学,被排除在许多工作之外,也被剥夺了安详埋葬亡者的权利。我们仅因实践一种以“人类为一家”为核心的信仰而被监视、拘留,甚至遭受更严重的对待。
Baha’is of Iran, the country’s largest non-Muslim minority, have been barred from universities for 47 years, from many jobs and from burying our dead in peace. We are watched, detained, sometimes worse, simply for practicing a faith built on the idea that humanity is one family.
自1979年以来,伊朗伊斯兰共和国已处决或杀害了数百名巴哈伊教徒。我目睹深爱的成年人失去生计和自由。11岁时,我以最惊悚的方式被开除六年级。学校官员明确表达了他们想让学生群众杀害我的意图。最终,我的家人别无选择。我的父母聘请走私者,让我越过边界进入巴基斯坦。我现在分享这段经历,因为这并非历史,而是本周的新闻。
The Islamic Republic of Iran has executed or killed hundreds of Baha’is since 1979. I grew up watching adults I loved lose their livelihoods and their freedom. At age 11, I was expelled from sixth grade in a most horrific manner. School officials made their intention clear that they wanted to have a mob of students kill me. Eventually my family had no real choice left. My parents hired a smuggler and had me cross the border into Pakistan. I share this now because it is not history — it is this week’s news.
人权组织报告称,今年伊朗仅已有数十名巴哈伊教徒被拘留;随着该国与美国和以色列的对抗持续,镇压力度有所加剧。当政府感到被逼迫时,它往往会诉诸最古老的替罪羊。在伊朗,这个替罪羊长期以来就是巴哈伊社区。新一代人正经历着前几代人所熬过的同样的境遇,而我因亲身经历而认出这种模式。
Human rights organizations report that dozens of Baha’is have been detained in Iran this year alone; the crackdown has intensified as the country’s confrontation with the U.S. and Israel continues. When a government feels cornered, it often reaches for its oldest scapegoat. In Iran, that has long been the Baha’i community. A new generation is now living through what many generations have survived. I recognize the pattern because I experienced it.
从内部感受这种迫害是什么样子?是看到父母想保护孩子却无能为力;是作为青少年明白,你的信仰不仅是私事,更是公共的负担;是被迫离开祖国、语言、社区、家人,来到陌生之地,一无所有,因为我们原本就被剥夺了所有能够拥有的东西。
What does that persecution feel like from the inside? It’s seeing your parents wanting to protect their kids and not being able to. It is understanding, as a teenager, that your faith is not a private matter but a public liability. It is leaving behind a country, a language, a community, your family, and arriving somewhere new with nothing, because nothing was what we were allowed to keep.
我得以保留的东西,反而更难被夺走。作为巴哈伊教徒,我的信仰核心是服务、人类团结,以及这样一种理念:诚实且以服务精神完成的工作,本身就是一种崇拜。这些价值观并未留在伊朗,而是与我一同到来,并在我在美国建立生活、最终成为企业家的过程中,成为了指引我的北极星。
What I was allowed to keep was harder to take from me. My faith as a Baha’i centers on service, on the unity of humanity, on the idea that work done honestly and in the spirit of service is itself a form of worship. Those values did not stay behind in Iran. They came with me, and they became my North Star as I built my life in the U.S., and ultimately as an entrepreneur.
我作为难民抵达加利福尼亚,后来进入了加州大学戴维斯分校。当时我还没有人脉、资金,也没有除了努力工作和为创造影响力的人生做好准备之外的计划。但在湾区,我找到了此前从未体验过的事物:一个并不特别在意我来自哪里,而只关心我能创造什么的地方。
I landed in California as a refugee and eventually made my way to the University of California-Davis. I did not yet have a network, capital or a plan beyond working hard and preparing myself to live a life of impact. What I found in the Bay Area was something I had not experienced before: a place that did not particularly care where I came from, only what I could build.
这并非小事。我认为,这正是美国给予像我这样的人最独特的馈赠。美国对外来者的包容,以及对非传统道路和非传统人物的接纳,正是让一个带有口音、没有家族财富的巴哈伊难民,最终能与兄弟共同创办一家公司。这家公司——AutoWeb——成为最早期的在线汽车交易平台之一,并于1999年上市。后来,我还在湾区创办了其他公司,如今我是一家私募股权投资公司One Planet Group的创始人兼首席执行官。我感激这个国家给予我的所有机会。
That is not a small thing. It is, I think, America’s defining gift to people like me. The United States’s tolerance for outsiders, its appetite for unconventional paths and unconventional people, is what made it possible for a Baha’i refugee with an accent and no family wealth to eventually co-found a company, with my brother. That company, AutoWeb, became one of the earliest online car marketplaces and went public in 1999. I later built other companies in the Bay Area, and today I am the founder and CEO of One Planet Group, a private equity firm. I’m grateful for all the opportunities this country has given me.
当我的祖国明确表示不想要我时,美国接纳了我。作为回报,我帮助在这里创办公司、创造就业,并为给予我第二次机会的经济体系做出了贡献。这并非偿还慈善,而更像是双方共同履行的一项承诺。
America took me in when my own country had made clear it did not want me. In return, I helped build companies here, created jobs here, and paid into the economy that gave me a second chance. That is not charity repaid. It is closer to a promise kept on both sides.
与此同时,来自伊朗狂热政府的威胁并未消失,而且看起来它也不会自行缓和。
In the meantime, the danger from Iran’s fanatical government has not passed, and it doesn’t look like it will moderate on its own.
我成长于20世纪80年代的伊朗,当时全国各地的横幅都引用着革命创始人霍梅尼大阿亚图拉的言论:“战争是一种祝福。”这种思维模式从未改变。从军事上削弱一个政权,并不会动摇其意识形态;而正是意识形态——而非务实或自我保存——在驱动这个政府的所有决策。一个不建设、不以数十年为周期思考、甚至将本国人民视为可牺牲品的政府,不会因为遭受打击而突然变得温和。
I grew up in Iran in the 1980s, when banners across the country quoted Ayatollah Khomeini, the revolution’s founder: “War is a blessing.”That mentality never left. Weakening a regime militarily does not touch its ideology, and ideology — not pragmatism or self-preservation — is what drives this government’s choices. A government that does not build, does not think in terms of decades, and treats its own people as expendable will not suddenly moderate because it has taken a hit.
最清晰的证据,就是这个政府在其国境外所做的事情。它通过哈马斯让巴勒斯坦人陷入地狱,通过真主党让黎巴嫩人陷入苦难,又通过胡塞武装让也门人民备受煎熬——这些并非出于团结,而是因为持久的地区危机有助于巩固其在国内的统治。他们并非因共同信仰而结合的盟友。伊朗只是将无辜民众当作自己的工具。
The clearest evidence is what this government does beyond its own borders. It has made life hell for Palestinians through Hamas, for the Lebanese through Hezbollah, and for Yemenis through the Houthis — not out of solidarity but because permanent regional crisis serves its own grip on power at home. These are not allies bound by shared belief. Iran uses innocent people as its instruments.
一个愿意牺牲自己声称要捍卫的人民,并不是一个世界可以信任并与其谈判的理性行为体。一个将本国9300万人民视为敌人的政府,不可能因为人们假设一份签署的协议就能获得信任,就迫使其达成更优的核协议。在世界尚未认清自己面对的是谁,并选择为伊朗人民和正义事业而非自身利益挺身而出之前,伊斯兰共和国只会愈发强大,其暴行也只会更加泛滥。
A government willing to sacrifice the very people it claims to champion is not a rational actor the world can trust and negotiate with. A government that treats its own 93 million people as enemies cannot be pressured into a better nuclear deal on the assumption that a signed contract can somehow be trusted. Until the world understands who it’s dealing with, and chooses to stand up for the Iranian people and for what’s right rather than what’s profitable, the Islamic Republic will only grow stronger and its atrocities more widespread.
我时常想起那些每天清晨在伊朗被送上绞刑架的年轻人。我想起如今仍在伊朗被拘禁的巴哈伊教徒。我想起伊朗的青年、伊朗的女性,其中许多人和我当年一样正值青春年少。我不断思考,如果世界再次选择视而不见,那将意味着什么。半个世纪以来,世界一直选择视而不见,而整个国家却因此遭受迫害。伊朗当前的动荡,可能会使这种迫害更加严重。
I think all those young people taken to the gallows every morning in Iran. I think about the Baha’is being detained in Iran right now. I think about the youth of Iran, the women of Iran, many of them teenagers like I once was, and I think about what it would mean if the world simply looked away again. It has looked away for half a century while an entire nation has been persecuted. Iran’s current turmoil could make that persecution worse.
我对伊朗的政治问题没有解决方案。但我深知,当你的政府决定你的命运时,被世界遗忘意味着什么。我很幸运,我找到了一个愿意押注于我的国家。我不寻求战争,但我追求伊朗人的自由。
I do not have a solution to Iran’s politics. But I know what it means to be forgotten by the world while your government decides your destiny. I was fortunate. I found a country willing to bet on me. I do not seek war, but I do seek freedom for Iranians.
帕亚姆·扎马尼是“一个地球集团”的创始人兼首席执行官,也是《穿越沙漠》一书的作者。
Payam Zamani is the founder and CEO of One Planet Group and the author of “Crossing the Desert.”