爱丁堡，俄罗斯的国际地位在其全面入侵乌克兰几周内就崩溃了。制裁席卷了俄罗斯的银行、企业和政治精英，而西方公司则大规模撤出该国。对于生活在俄罗斯境内的人来说，正是这些日常的、可感知的变化让这一切变得真实起来。西方商品从超市货架上消失，直飞欧洲的航班停止，出国旅行的签证办理变得更加困难。
Edinburgh , Russia's international standing collapsed within weeks of its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Sanctions swept across Russian banks, businesses and political elites, while western companies exited the country en masse. For those living inside Russia, it was the everyday, tangible shifts that made this feel real. Western goods disappeared from supermarket shelves, direct flights to Europe stopped and getting visas to travel abroad became more difficult.
与此同时，俄罗斯的运动员、艺术家和学者被排除在国际比赛、文化平台和学术活动之外。而在欧洲其他地区生活的俄罗斯人，这种变化往往更为微妙。求职申请中的国籍问题、负面媒体报道以及关于俄罗斯的随口评论，都导致人们日益感到：如今成为俄罗斯人意味着背负着污名。俄罗斯的国际声誉发生了突变，这突然变得个人化了。
Russian athletes, artists and scholars, meanwhile, were excluded from international competitions, cultural platforms and academic events. For Russians living elsewhere in Europe, the change was often more subtle. Questions about their nationality in job applications, negative media coverage and offhand comments about Russia all contributed to a growing sense that being Russian now meant carrying a stigma. Russia's changing international reputation had suddenly become personal.I have seen this transformation in my own research on Russian masculinities, which has involved interviewing Russian men living in Russia and abroad.
我在自己关于俄罗斯男性气质的研究中也目睹了这种转变——该研究涉及对在俄罗斯及国外生活的俄罗斯男性进行访谈。当我最初在2013-14年对40名参与者进行访谈时，大多数人对俄罗斯持积极看法，并拥有相对稳固的民族认同感。当我在2022年至2023年间再次访谈其中的27人时，这一情况发生了戏剧性的变化。只有两名男子仍然用毫不含糊的积极词汇来描述俄罗斯。
When I first interviewed my 40 participants in 2013-14, most viewed Russia positively and had a relatively secure sense of national identity. When I returned to interview 27 of them between 2022 and 2023, this picture had changed dramatically. Only two of the men still described Russia in unambiguously positive terms.
我在第二轮访谈中向参与者提出的一个问题是：“您认为俄罗斯在当今世界中的角色是什么？”他们的回答令人印象深刻。受访者将俄罗斯描述为“大棋局中的一枚棋子”、“手持核武棒的恶霸”和“类似朝鲜的孤儿国家”。甚至有一位参与者将俄罗斯比作《哈利·波特》系列书籍中的主要反派角色伏地魔。还有两人称俄罗斯为“落后、有缺陷、生病的国家”，以及“使用暴力来获取爱戴的国家”。
One of the questions I asked participants in the second round of interviews was: "How would you define Russia's role in the world today?" Their answers were striking. My respondents described Russia as "only a pawn in a big game", "a bully with the nuclear baton" and "a pariah country like North Korea". One participant even likened Russia to Voldemort, the main villain from the Harry Potter book series. Two others called Russia a "backward, defective, sick country", and "the state that uses violence to be loved".
就连那些支持弗拉基米尔·普京政权和战争的人也不得不承认，自全面入侵以来，俄罗斯在世界上的地位已经严重下滑。与身为俄罗斯人相关的污名，在某些情况下甚至演变为羞耻感，其强度令人难以忽视。在多次采访中，许多俄罗斯人都感到，他们必须解释、辩护、疏离或重新思考自己的俄罗斯身份。
Even those who supported Vladimir Putin's regime and the war admitted that Russia's standing in the world had deteriorated significantly since the full-scale invasion. The intensity of the stigma and, in some cases, the shame associated with being Russian was palpable. Across the interviews, being Russian had become something that many felt they had to explain, defend, distance themselves from or rethink.
如何应对这种污名——我的受访者如何管理这种地缘政治带来的污名，与关于男性气质、权力以及世界大国之间竞争的观念紧密交织在一起。
Managing the stigma-How my interviewees managed the geopolitical stigma was deeply entangled with ideas about masculinity, power and competition between world powers.
居住在英国的俄罗斯人德米特里说：“现在我不再那么频繁地谈论自己是个俄罗斯人。”他将战争归咎于“无能”的俄罗斯当局，并对乌克兰人表示同情，但同时仍然希望俄罗斯获胜。“俄罗斯必须赢，”他说，因为胜利将惠及全球所有俄语使用者。“众所周知，胜利者不会被审判，胜利者书写历史。”他担心，如果俄罗斯战败，俄罗斯人将成为“被排斥者”，并认为俄罗斯应该能够“加入美国、英国等世界主要大国的行列”。
Dmitry, a Russian man living in the UK, said: "I talk less about being Russian now." He blamed the "incompetent" Russian authorities for the war and expressed sympathy for Ukrainians, yet still wanted Russia to win." Russia needs to win," he said, because a victory would benefit Russian-speaking people around the world. "The victors are not judged the winner writes history, as we know." He feared that a Russian defeat would leave Russians as "outcasts" and argued that Russia should be able to "join the ranks of leading world powers like the US and Britain."
德米特里一方面试图与俄罗斯国家保持距离，另一方面又希望俄罗斯通过胜利恢复其地位，进而提升俄罗斯人的地位。他的回应体现了一种以实力、胜利和赢得尊重为核心的国际权力观。
Dmitry was distancing himself from the Russian state while simultaneously hoping that Russia's status and, with it, the status of Russians would be restored through victory. His response drew on an idea of international power centred on strength, victory and the ability to command respect.
而居住在俄罗斯的彼得则采取了不同的方式来应对这种污名。“我不是政治学家，也不是军事专家，”他说，“我的办公桌上没有任何进攻性军事行动的计划，我也不清楚那里到底发生了什么。也许我们只是宣传的受害者。”通过否认自己拥有决策权，他得以与俄罗斯国家的决定保持距离。
Petr, who was living in Russia, managed the stigma differently. "I'm not a political scientist or a military expert," he said, adding: "I don't have any plans for offensive military operations on my desk, I don't know what's really going on there. Maybe we're victims of propaganda." Disclaiming his agency helped him distance himself from the decisions of the Russian state.
但这种疏离感也让他作为男性的自我认同变得不安。他补充道：“我仍然是一个男人。”
But that distancing also became uncomfortable for his sense of himself as a man. He added: "I'm still a man. I am still a father, a defender of my family."
“我仍然是一个父亲，是家人的守护者。”对彼得来说，男性气质为他提供了一种应对这种尴尬处境的方式：他可以声称自己不理解战争、也不应对战争负责，同时依然保持着“保护家人”的男性形象。帕维尔则是另一种选择——他在我采访他的时候暂时居住在地中海国家。他坚决反对战争，并批评俄罗斯的帝国主义暴力行为；他特别痛心于俄罗斯拒绝承认自己的历史罪行。
For Petr, masculinity offered a way to navigate this uncomfortable position. He could say he did not understand the war and was not responsible for it, while still claiming the identity of a man who protects his family. Pavel, a respondent temporarily residing in a Mediterranean country at the time I interviewed him, took yet another route. He opposed the war and criticised Russia's imperial violence. Pavel was particularly troubled by what he saw as Russia's failure to acknowledge its past imperial crimes. He contrasted Russia with the "big guys" such as Germany and Japan, which he argued had already "repented" their imperial pasts.
帕维尔将俄罗斯与德国、日本等“大国”进行对比，认为这些国家早已为自己的帝国主义历史“忏悔”了。他拒绝接受俄罗斯的帝国主义本质，同时也试图将俄罗斯与其他更现代化、更文明的国家相提并论。通过将俄罗斯描绘成一个未能从历史中吸取教训的帝国，他试图摆脱与“俄罗斯身份”相关的负面标签，从而与所谓的“更合法的国际秩序”保持一致。
Pavel was rejecting Russia's imperialism. But he was also comparing Russia with other powerful states that he regarded as having become more modern and civilised. By positioning Russia as an empire that had failed to learn from its past, he could distance himself from the stigma of Russianness and align himself with a supposedly more legitimate international order. As UK-based researchers Imogen Tyler and Tom Slater have argued in their work, stigma is not simply a label attached to those who are seen as deviant or discredited. It is a mechanism for producing and stabilising social hierarchies and unequal relations of power. The men I interviewed did not simply accept the geopolitical stigma. They distanced themselves from it, challenged it or tried to overcome it.
正如英国研究人员伊莫金·泰勒（Imogen Tyler）和汤姆·斯莱特（Tom Slater）在他们的研究中指出的那样，“污名”不仅仅是一个被贴在那些被视为“异类”或“不值得信任的人身上的标签；它实际上是一种制造和维持社会等级制度以及权力不平等关系的机制。我采访过的这些男性并没有简单地接受这种地缘政治上的污名；他们要么试图摆脱这种污名，要么对其提出质疑。然而，在这个过程中，他们往往仍在使用那些支撑帝国主义和男性主导地位的观念——比如权力、胜利、文明等级以及暴力的“必然性”。为了保护受访者的隐私，他们的名字已被匿名处理。
But in doing so, they often drew on the very ideas of power, victory, civilisational hierarchy and inevitability of violence that underpin imperial and masculine domination in the first place. The names of the interviewees have been changed to ensure their anonymity. FHK