
克尔斯滕·克尼普 2026年10月30日 目前,利比亚东部与希腊克里特岛之间的非正规移民流动有所增加。这引发了这样一个问题:是什么将人口走私者与利比亚东部强大的民兵组织联系在一起,进而又将欧洲人牵连其中?
Kersten Knipp October 30, 2026 There is currently more irregular migration between eastern Libya and Crete, Greece. It's raising questions as to what connects people smugglers with powerful militias in eastern Libya and then in turn, Europeans.
优先在谷歌上关注DW 利比亚海岸外的一次难民救援行动 今年已有近2万人试图从北非利比亚进行这场危险的渡海,前往希腊克里特岛。
Prefer DW on Google A rescue of refugees in distress off the Libyan coast This year, almost 20,000 people have already tried to make the perilous crossing from Libya in north Africa to the Greek island of Crete.
希腊日报《每日报》近日报道,这条从利比亚东海岸通往希腊的路线,已成为非正规移民进入欧洲的一个日益重要的走廊。
The route, which runs from the east coast of Libya to Greece, has become an increasingly significant corridor for irregular migration into Europe, Greek daily Kathimerini recently reported.
仅在10月20日一天,希腊当局就在14艘船上登记了710人。第二天又有数百人抵达。
On Oct. 20 alone, Greek authorities registered 710 people in 14 boats Hundreds more arrived the next day.
许多船只从托布鲁克周边地区出发,托布鲁克是利比亚东部地中海沿岸的一座港口城市。据《每日报》报道,移民为渡海需支付高达4000美元(约合3600欧元),航程约需一天半。这条特定路线日益流行,部分原因是对其他替代通道的打击。
Many of the boats depart from areas around Tobruk, a port city on Libya's eastern Mediterranean coast. According to Kathimerini, migrants pay as much as $4,000 (€3,600) for the crossing, which takes around a day and a half. This particular route is becoming more popular in part because of crackdowns on alternative passages.
2023年,利比亚东部武装力量针对前往意大利的人口走私者采取行动后,走私网络改变了手法,改用小船驶向克里特岛。
After eastern Libyan armed forces acted against people smugglers heading for Italy in 2023, the smuggling networks changed their methods, using smaller boats and sailing them towards Crete instead.
利比亚人在的黎波里国际移民组织办公室前抗议非正规移民,摄于2026年6月 助推冲突经济 据总部位于瑞士的智库“打击跨国有组织犯罪全球倡议”称,此后其他群体也进入了人口走私业务,包括此前主要从事货物、车辆或毒品走私的群体。
Libyans protest against irregular migration in front of the International Organization for Migration office in Tripoli, June 2026 Fuelling the conflict economy According to the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, a think tank based in Switzerland, other groups have since entered the people smuggling business too, including those who previously mostly moved goods, vehicles or drugs.
利比亚的人口贩运与所谓的“冲突经济”紧密相连。这使得武装行为体通过控制非正规市场和运输路线获取经济资源和政治影响力。这也使得地方权力掮客利用打击走私措施为自己获取资金或政治支持。
Human trafficking in Libya is closely connected with what is known as the "conflict economy." This sees armed actors gaining economic resources and political influence by controlling informal markets and transport routes. It also sees local power brokers using measures against smuggling to obtain financial or political support for themselves.
社交媒体在人口贩运、走私中的隐秘角色 观看此视频 英国智库查塔姆深入研究了利比亚境内三个不同的中转枢纽后写道:“冲突及随后的不稳定为移民走私和人口贩运(TIP)活动的发展创造了肥沃土壤,进而导致既定路线沿线其他地点的走私活动增长。这导致进入利比亚的移民数量增加,以及利比亚冲突经济的扩张。”
Social media's hidden role in human trafficking, smuggling To view this video , and "Conflict and subsequent instability in Libya have created a fertile environment for migrant smuggling and TIP [trafficking in persons] activities to develop, in turn leading to the growth of smuggling in other locations along an established route," researchers at British think tank Chatham House wrote, after looking in depth at three different transit hubs across Libya. "This has led to an increase in the number of migrants entering Libya and the expansion of Libya's conflict economy."
“无论走私涉及武器、货物、人口还是毒品,围绕走私路线已经形成了一整套完整的生意,这一情况依然存在,”德国全球与区域研究所(GIGA)研究员哈格尔·阿里对德国之声表示。
"It remains the case that an entire business has developed around smuggling routes, regardless of whether that [smuggling] involves weapons, goods, people or drugs," Hager Ali, a researcher at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies, or GIGA, told DW.
阿里说,如果已经建立了联系、运输和安保安排,那么这些也可被用于人口贩运等非法活动。自2014年以来,利比亚一直处于分裂状态。在西部,联合国支持的政府设在的黎波里;在东部,托布鲁克的第二个利比亚领导层得到前军阀转型政治家哈夫塔尔的支持。
If there are already contacts, transportation and security arrangements in place, then these can also be used for illegal activities like people trafficking, Ali said. Since 2014, Libya has been split into two In the west, a United Nations-backed administration is based in Tripol; and in the east, in Tobruk, the second Libyan leadership is backed by former warlord-turned-politician Khalifa Haftar.
哈夫塔尔设法巩固了对各武装民兵的控制,实行铁腕统治。他的儿子们也担任要职。然而,没有确凿证据表明哈夫塔尔家族的网络与该海岸线上的人口走私者有关联。
Haftar has managed to consolidate control over various armed militias, ruling with an iron fist. His sons also hold important positions. However, there are no proven links between the Haftars' networks and people smugglers on that coast.
但正如阿里所解释的,即使只是显得对这些领域有一定影响力,也能赋予政治影响力。
But, as Ali explained, even the appearance of having some influence over these sectors can confer political influence.
“一个人对这个市场的控制越明显,他的影响力就越大,”阿里对德国之声表示。
"The more apparent control one has over this market, the greater one's influence," Ali told DW.
东利比亚一位权势大且备受争议的人物:哈夫塔尔。那些能够影响甚至阻止出海的人,正在向其他行为体展示他们的重要性。例如,针对走私网络的高调行动可以作为政治合法性的标志。“他们把自己包装成能够恢复秩序、遏制移民的人,”阿里指出。
A powerful and controversial figure in eastern Libya: Khalifa Haftar Those Libyans who can influence, or even prevent, departures are demonstrating their importance to other actors. For example, high profile operations against the smuggling networks can serve as a sign of political legitimacy. "They present themselves as somebody who can restore order and curb migration," Ali noted.
东地中海的地缘政治竞争也日益激烈。10月下旬,东部的托布鲁克政府与土耳其签署了一项海洋协议——这项协议土耳其其实早先已与的黎波里的另一利比亚政府签署过。
There's also increasing geopolitical competition in the eastern Mediterranean. In late October, the Tobruk government signed a maritime agreement with Turkey a deal that Turkey had actually originally concluded with Libya's other government in Tripoli.
土耳其此前在利比亚内战中曾与哈夫塔尔支持的民兵作战,这项协议代表着双方的关系缓和。这也是土耳其在该海域竞争局势中获取其诉求的一种方式——希腊拒绝承认该协议,称其侵犯了希腊在克里特岛、罗得岛等岛屿周边的经济权益。
Turkey previously fought Haftar-sponsored militias during the Libyan civil war, and this deal represents rapprochement between the two. It is also a way for Turkey to get what it wants in a rivalrous situation in this maritime area — Greece rejects the agreement, saying that it infringes on Greek economic rights around islands like Crete and Rhodes.
新协议与克里特岛非正规移民数量上升之间是否存在直接关联尚不清楚。不过,阿里认为,非正规移民被用作此类地缘政治冲突中的筹码,这并非不可想象。
A direct link between the new agreement and rising numbers of irregular migrants in Crete is not clear. However, Ali suggested that it wouldn't be inconceivable that irregular migrants could be used as leverage in these kinds of geopolitical conflicts.
欧洲的合作。尽管利比亚行为体与武装团体有联系、政治合法性存疑,欧盟仍一直在与利比亚人合作,以防止非正规移民抵达欧洲。
European cooperation The European Union has been cooperating with Libyans to prevent irregular migrants from getting to Europe — despite the Libyan actors' links to armed groups and their disputed political legitimacy.
退休于吉森大学、人文地理与发展专家安德烈亚斯·迪特曼指出,这其中存在显而易见的矛盾。欧盟与利比亚人的此类合作,虽可作为遏制非正规移民的一种手段,但也增强了利比亚人的地方势力。
There's an obvious contradiction in that, argued Andreas Dittmann, a retired professor from Giessen University and expert on human geography and development. Such cooperation between the EU and Libyans can serve as a control on irregular migration but it also adds to the Libyans' local power.
“如果东利比亚的掌权者确实能够影响此类[移民]流动的规模和时机,那么他们就在向欧洲政府展示自身的战略重要性,”迪特曼对德国之声表示。
"If those in charge in eastern Libya are actually able to influence the scale and timing of such [migrant] movements, they're demonstrating their own strategic importance to European governments," Dittmann told DW.
联合国国际移民组织(IOM)的一份报告展示了许多移民处境的岌岌可危。
A report by the United Nations' International Organization for Migration, or IOM, illustrated how precarious the situation is for many migrants.
根据这份基于今年5月和6月数据的报告,约有95万名移民和难民登记在利比亚生活。他们中的许多人只能有限地获得医疗服务,且往往没有居留或工作许可,所有这些都加剧了他们对非正规市场的依赖,以及被剥削的风险。
According to the report, which is based on data from May and June this year, around 950,000 migrants and refugees were registered as living in Libya. Many have only limited access to healthcare and tend not to have residence or work permits, all of which increases their dependence on informal markets as well as the risk of exploitation