
我们正处于两件令人不安的事件的交汇点。第一件事是,地方新闻仍然是选民基本仍然信任的唯一新闻形式,这与公众对报纸和电视新闻报道的极低评价形成鲜明对比。这对地方新闻业是好事,尤其是在其在全国范围内遭受重创之际。但全国性新闻媒体——本应是我们最强有力的监督者——却如此广泛地不被信任,这并非什么健康现象。第二件事是,在过去二十年里,“粉红粘液”经济悄然扩张。这两件事放在一起看,表明我们正走向一场真正的信息危机。
We are at the confluence of two disquieting events. The first is that local news remains the only form of journalism voters still largely trust, a sharp contrast to the public’s very dim opinion of newspaper and television reporting. This is good for local journalism, especially amid its national gutting. But it is not particularly healthy that the national press — supposedly our most powerful watchdogs — are so widely distrusted. The second is the little-noticed expansion, over the last two decades, of the pink slime economy. Taken together, the two suggest we are heading for a genuine information crisis.
对于不了解情况的人,NewsGuard 将“粉红粘液”描述为“自诩为专业新闻媒体、实则由党派团体秘密资助、有着明确但未公开议程的网站”。除了虚假新闻和网站,这些骗局背后的操纵者往往向 Meta 支付巨额广告费,将其“报道”投放到用户的新闻推送中,产生数以百万计的展示量。
For the uninitiated, NewsGuard describes “pink slime” as “sites that present themselves as professional news outlets but are secretly backed by partisan groups with a clear though undisclosed agenda.”Along with phony stories and websites, the operators behind these schemes often pay Meta large sums to advertise their “reports” across users’ newsfeeds, generating millions upon millions of impressions.
这些报道——通常质量低劣、投入极少,且往往具有误导性,要么直接误导,要么通过遗漏误导——旨在针对特定选民群体、摇摆州和候选人。结果是受众被骗,将政治广告误认为是诚实报道,选民的偏好受到潜移默化的影响。
The stories — generally low-quality, low-effort, and often misleading, either directly or by omission — exist to target specific voter demographics, swing states and candidates. The result is an audience tricked into mistaking political advertising for honest reporting, with voters’ preferences subtly influenced.
社交媒体上充斥着此类报道。不幸的是,根据卡内基梅隆大学最近的一项研究,这一问题近年来只会愈演愈烈。
Social media is positively lousy with these reports. And unfortunately, the problem has only worsened in recent years, according to a recent study by Carnegie Mellon University.
此类“粉红粘液”网站的数量从 2006 年的寥寥几家激增至如今估计的 1200 家。
The number of these pink slime sites ballooned from roughly a handful in 2006 to an estimated 1,200 today.
这种做法至少可以追溯到小布什的第一个任期,当时伊利诺伊州出现了《麦迪逊县纪事报》,尽管与美国商会存在未披露的关联,它仍将自己包装成真正的新闻机构。说是“关联”,其实这家《纪事报》完全是由商会一手创办的。
The practice dates to at least George W. Bush’s first term, with the appearance of the Madison County Record in Illinois, which presented itself as a genuine news organization despite its undisclosed ties to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. And by “ties,” I mean the Record was wholly created by the Chamber.
2018年,左翼的“州新闻室”成立,最终在全美50个州均开展业务,并被NewsGuard贴上“粉红色淤泥”标签。“州新闻室”对该标签提出异议。
Then, in 2018, the left-wing States Newsroom launched, eventually establishing operations in all 50 states and earning a pink slime designation from NewsGuard. States Newsroom disputes the label.
据《哥伦比亚新闻评论》报道,到2019年,此类网站估计已达450家,“每家分发数千篇算法生成的文章和少量报道稿件”。其中,至少42%属于同年成立的右倾“度量媒体”。
By 2019 there were an estimated 450 such sites, “each distributing thousands of algorithmically generated articles and a smaller number of reported stories,” according to the Columbia Journalism Review. Of these sites, at least 42 percent belonged to the right-leaning Metric Media, which had launched that same year.
左倾的“信使新闻室”也于2019年成立,创始人为前哥伦比亚广播公司新闻部和《60分钟》节目员工塔拉·麦高恩。麦高恩左臂纹有奥巴马时代口号“Yes, we can”(是的,我们能),在特朗普首次当选总统后,她从左翼捐赠者处筹集约2500万美元,制作了数个此类虚假新闻网站。其明确目的是将民主党宣传伪装成真实报道。麦高恩的“动员投票”非营利组织“首字母缩略词”资助“信使新闻室”直至2021年4月。
The left-leaning Courier Newsroom also launched in 2019, founded by former CBS News and 60 Minutes staffer Tara McGowan. McGowan, who has the Obama-era slogan “Yes, we can” tattooed on her left arm, raised around $25 million from left-wing donors to produce several of these phony news websites after President Trump’s first election. The explicit purpose was to pass off Democratic Party propaganda as genuine reporting. McGowan’s get-out-the-vote nonprofit, Acronym, funded Courier Newsroom through April 2021.
截至发稿,最大的“粉红色淤泥”网络属于“度量媒体”。据称其拥有约1100个独立网站,远超“信使新闻室”和“州新闻室”等左翼团体合计运营的约130个网站。但网站数量优势不等于支出优势。“度量媒体”在独立网站数量上超过左倾“粉红色淤泥”运营方,而“信使新闻室”在Facebook推广内容的支出上则大幅领先所有人,收获数百万次展示。
As of this writing, the largest pink slime network belongs to Metric Media. It boasts an estimated 1,100 standalone websites, dwarfing the approximately 130 combined left-wing sites run by groups such as Courier and States Newsroom. But a numbers advantage does not necessarily mean a spending advantage. Where Metric Media outnumbers left-leaning pink slime operations in standalone sites, Courier outstrips everyone in money spent promoting content on Facebook, netting millions of impressions.
据卡内基梅隆大学研究显示,自成立以来,“信使新闻室”在Facebook广告上的估计总支出达800万美元,遥遥领先所有网络。“度量媒体”同期在Meta广告上的支出仅为200万美元。一个成立于2022年的较新左倾实体“美国独立”在其Facebook运营上的估计支出为81.3万美元。
Since its founding, Courier Newsroom has spent an estimated $8 million total on Facebook ads — the most of any network by a large margin, according to the CMU study. Metric Media has spent only $2 million on Meta ads during the same period. A newer left-leaning entity, American Independent, has spent an estimated $813,000 on its Facebook presence since its launch in 2022.
这些网站和支出数据甚至还没有把那些较小的“粉红淤泥”弹窗式网站算进去——这类实体几乎是一夜之间冒出来,只为影响单一选举周期,随后便销声匿迹。其中包括左倾的“主街哨兵”,创建于2022年2月,2023年2月后不再活跃,在中期选举期间在Meta平台投放广告的支出约为140万美元。还包括左倾的“晨镜”,它突然出现,在宾夕法尼亚州、佛罗里达州、密歇根州和威斯康星州散布亲民主党宣传。它在Meta广告上花费高达38.1万美元,随后在2024年总统大选后立即停止了实质性活动。
These website and spending figures don’t even account for the smaller pink-slime pop-ups — entities that appear practically overnight to influence a single election cycle and then disappear. This includes the left-leaning Main Street Sentinel, created in February 2022 and inactive after February 2023 after spending roughly $1.4 million on Meta advertising during the midterm elections. This also includes the left-leaning Morning Mirror, which materialized suddenly to disseminate pro-Democratic propaganda in Pennsylvania, Florida, Michigan, and Wisconsin. It spent up to $381,000 on Meta ads and then ceased meaningful activity immediately after the 2024 presidential election.
无论哪个意识形态阵营花费更多,卡内基梅隆大学的数据清楚地显示一点:“粉红淤泥”广告支出整体稳步增长,在选举年会出现短暂但剧烈的飙升。2018年所有“粉红淤泥”组织在Facebook上的广告总支出仅为21,713美元,而2024年合计总额达到790万美元。
Regardless of which ideological cohort spends more, one thing is clear across CMU’s data: pink slime ad spending has increased steadily across the board, with brief but sharp spikes in election years. Total Facebook ad spending for all pink slime organizations in 2018 was just $21,713. In 2024 the combined total was $7.9 million.
因此,过去20年里,“粉红淤泥”新闻经济呈指数级增长,不仅体现在数量和支出上,还体现在触达范围已超越社交媒体。其成果眼下已显现在2026年竞选活动中,“粉红淤泥”报道出现在某些竞选广告里。例如在俄亥俄州,一个政治行动委员会(PAC)投放广告攻击参议员乔恩·休斯特(共和党-俄亥俄州),引用《俄亥俄首府期刊》对他的负面描述,称他是能源公司的“宠儿”。广告未披露的是,《俄亥俄首府期刊》并非独立新闻机构,而是左倾的“州新闻室”“粉红淤泥”网络的一部分。
The pink slime journalistic economy, then, has grown exponentially in the last 20 years, not only in number and spending but in reach beyond social media. Its fruits are visible even now on the 2026 campaign trail, with pink slime stories appearing in certain campaign ads. In Ohio, for example, a PAC ran an ad against Sen. Jon Husted (R-Ohio), quoting the Ohio Capital Journal’s negative characterization of him as the energy companies’ “golden boy.”What the ad does not disclose is that the Ohio Capital Journal is not an independent news organization, but part of the left-leaning States Newsroom’s pink slime network.
在阿拉巴马州第二国会选区,一则支持共和党候选人雷特·马奎斯的广告引用《黄锤新闻》,称该候选人创造了“15亿美元减税”。广告未提及的是,《黄锤新闻》由一位保守派政治顾问共同持股,该顾问的客户包括马奎斯竞选团队。
In Alabama’s 2nd congressional district, an ad in support of Republican candidate Rhett Marques (R) cited Yellowhammer News to credit the candidate with creating “$1.5 billion in tax relief.”The ad failed to mention that Yellowhammer is co-owned by a conservative political consultant whose clients include the Marques campaign.
这些组织之所以伪装成合法的本地新闻机构,而非全国性新闻媒体,是有原因的。尽管主流媒体仍深陷生存性的公信力危机,选民仍然很大程度上信任本地新闻。更具体地说,根据皮尤研究中心的数据,70%的美国成年人表示对本地新闻“非常信任”或“比较信任”。
There is a reason these groups disguise themselves as legitimate local news organizations rather than national news outlets. Although major media continue to suffer an existential credibility crisis, voters still largely trust local journalism. More specifically, 70 percent of U.S. adults say they have “a lot of” or “some trust” in local news, according to Pew.
皮尤还发现,现在88%的美国成年人表示,他们“经常”或“至少有时”从数字设备获取新闻。与此同时,近年来,相比电视,获取本地新闻时更倾向于在线获取的比例有所上升。
Pew also found that 88 percent of U.S. adults now say they get their news “often” or “at least sometimes” from digital devices. Meanwhile, the preference for getting local journalism online versus on television has increased in recent years.
换句话说,选民越来越多地获取新闻的地方,已被精心设计、旨在模仿新闻界仅存的、他们仍信任的那一小块领地的宣传所渗透。就是这么简单,也这么阴险。
In other words, the place where voters increasingly get their news has been infected by propaganda cleverly designed to imitate the one tiny space within journalism that they still trust. It is as simple and as devious as that.
当我们谈论竞选造势和肮脏手段时,这主要不是指外国的网络机器人。“粉红色淤泥”比任何愚蠢的梗图都要聪明、有针对性、投入、复杂得多,而且据我们所知,资金可能更充足。
When we talk about electioneering and dirty tricks, this is not primarily about foreign online bots. Pink slime is far more intelligent, targeted, dedicated, complex, and, for all we know, better funded than any goofy meme.
比梗图或愚钝的播客主持人危险得多的是,那些复杂的党派煽动宣传网络正蠕动着钻进毫无防备的选民的新闻推送里——这些网络将其创始人的新闻专业知识与敏锐的算法工具相结合,操纵社交媒体信息流,捧高或攻击政治候选人,同时却打着新闻界最后一种受信任形式的招牌行事。
Much more dangerous than memes or dimwitted podcasters are the complex networks of partisan agitprop worming their way into the newsfeeds of unsuspecting voters — networks that combine the journalism know-how of their founders with keen algorithmic tools to game social media feeds and prop up or attack political candidates, all while trading on the good name of the last form of trusted journalism.