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印度Z世代直面人工智能未来India’s Gen Z Faces Down the Artificial Intelligence Future

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印度的纺织工匠在18世纪输给了新技术后,花了250年才摆脱困境。国家需要多长时间才能找到人工智能时代的下一个增长前沿?

It took India 250 years to catch a break after its textile artisans lost out to new technology in the 18th century. How long will it take for the country to find the next growth frontier in the age of artificial intelligence?

安迪·慕克吉(Andy Mukherjee)过去的剧变一波又一波。首先是哈格里夫斯的珍妮。它一次拉丝、加捻和缠绕16根或更多纱线,产量超过了生产世界上最好纱线的纺纱厂。然后手动织机让位于动力织机。(英国的保护主义也无济于事。)一个世纪后,圣雄甘地将受伤自尊心的象征--古老的纺纱机在孤独的纺锤上运转--变成了印度反殖民斗争的象征。

By Andy Mukherjee The upheaval of the past came in waves. First was Hargreaves’ jenny. Drawing, twisting and winding 16 or more threads at a time, it outproduced the spinners making some of the world’s finest yarn. Then handlooms gave way to power looms. (British protectionism didn’t help, either.) A century later, Mahatma Gandhi turned the symbol of wounded pride — the ancient spinning wheel working a lonely spindle — into an emblem of India’s anti-colonial struggle.

随着人工智能削弱印度在现代工艺方面的优势,预计类似的故事也会上演:世界商业软件的维护。自主人工智能代理已经在缩小班加罗尔和海得拉巴的编码人员为全球企业带来的价值。技术服务是价值2500亿美元的出口引擎,支持600万个就业岗位。现在,当地政客正在通过自由的土地拨款和补贴太阳能来吸引西方云计算公司,这可能会使印度成为廉价代币(人工智能计算能力的衡量标准)的首选来源。但数据中心投资不会创造多少新就业机会。

Expect a similar story to play out as AI blunts India’s edge in modern craftsmanship: the maintenance of the world’s business software. Autonomous AI agents are already shrinking the value that coders in Bengaluru and Hyderabad bring to global enterprises. Technology services are a $250 billion export engine supporting 6 million jobs. Now local politicians are wooing Western cloud computing companies with liberal land grants and subsidized solar energy, which could potentially make India a go-to source for cheap tokens (a measure of AI computing power). But data center investments will create few new jobs.

总理纳伦德拉·莫迪(Narendra Modi)到2047年使印度成为发达经济体的愿景要求人均美元收入增长9%以上,即使在Anthropic TBC的Claude和OpenAI的o3等编码工具出现之前也是如此。随着星巴克等全球企业寻求通过取代国际商业机器、微软和Oracle应用程序的全公司系统来成为自己的软件公司,印度程序员专门维护--这种野心看起来比以往任何时候都更加令人畏惧。

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision to make India a developed economy by 2047 required 9%-plus growth in per capita dollar income even before coding tools such as Anthropic PBC’s Claude and OpenAI’s o3 arrived. With global businesses like Starbucks seeking to become their own software companies by replacing companywide systems from International Business Machines, Microsoft and Oracle—applications Indian programmers specialize in maintaining — that ambition looks more daunting than ever.

今年夏天,愤怒的年轻人在新德里街头与警察发生冲突,并不是对人工智能进行勒德分子的抵抗;他们只是对国家未能确保大学入学考试的公平性感到沮丧。尽管如此,教育和好工作之间日益磨损的联系仍然是这场自称“蟑螂”运动的明显潜台词,该运动的名字源于印度首席大法官对一些失业青年的贬低。(The正义说他被误解了。)近4亿的Z世代人口所面临的风险是巨大的。如果人均美元名义收入继续以过去十年5.5%的速度增长,印度将未富先老。

The angry youth that clashed with police on the streets of New Delhi this summer were not putting up a Luddite resistance to AI; they were merelying their frustration with the state’s failure to ensure the fairness of university entrance exams. Still, the fraying link between education and good jobs is a palpable subtext for the self-proclaimed “cockroach” movement, named after a perceived put-down by India’s chief justice of some unemployed youth. (The justice said he was misunderstood.) The stakes for a Generation Z population of almost 400 million are immense. If nominal per capita dollar income keeps growing at the past decade’s 5.5% rate, India will be old before it’s rich.

为了加入富裕国家的联盟,一个国家必须在出口导向型行业创造就业机会,尤其是收入更高的就业机会。

To join the league of wealthier nations, a country must create jobs, especially better-paying ones, in export-oriented sectors.

但尽管印度在过去五年中承诺提供数十亿美元的纳税人资助激励措施,但印度在全球商品出口中的份额仍停留在不到2%。越南在制造业方面正在领先。新德里应该采取哪些不同的做法?

But despite committing billions of dollars in taxpayer-funded incentives over the past five years, India’s share of global merchandise exports is stuck at less than 2%. Vietnam is pulling ahead in manufacturing. What should New Delhi do differently?

政策制定者专注于产业政策,或者利用政府将投资引导到受青睐的行业。问题是,如今几乎所有国家--发达国家和发展中国家--都有完全相同的想法。更重要的是,印度的政府和企业家阶层都不适合执行这一任务。

Policymakers are fixated on industrial policy, or using the government to steer investment into favored sectors. Trouble is, nearly all countries — developed and developing — have exactly the same idea nowadays. What’s more, both the government and the entrepreneurial class in India are ill-suited for the mandate.

当地企业喜欢垄断财政激励措施,例如生产电子产品和智能手机的激励措施。但用进口零部件组装iPhone可以创造每月18,000卢比(188美元)的就业机会,正如印度储备银行前行长拉古拉姆·拉詹最近指出的那样,这与司机或家庭佣工在金奈等大城市的收入并没有太大不同。

Local businesses like to corner fiscal incentives, such as those for producing electronics and smartphones. But assembling iPhones with imported components creates jobs that pay 18,000 rupees ($188) a month, which, as former Reserve Bank of India Governor Raghuram Rajan noted recently, is not all that different from what a chauffeur or household helper makes in a large city such as Chennai.

只有在带来更高价值的制造时,低技术组装才有意义。这是通往稳固中产阶级的真正途径,但它既需要正式的研发,也需要发展经济学家张夏俊(Ha-Joon Chang)和安东尼奥·安德烈奥尼(Antonio Andreoni)所描述的“生产中的学习”。这种学习发生在一个车间,然后传播到竞争对手和邻近行业。这就是政府最新134亿美元半导体制造激励计划背后的逻辑。

Low-tech assembly makes sense only if it leads to higher-value manufacturing. That’s the true pathway to a solid middle class, but it requires both formal R&D and what development economists Ha-Joon Chang and Antonio Andreoni have described as “learning in production.”This kind of learning takes place on one shop floor, before spreading to rival companies and adjacent industries. That’s the logic behind the government’s latest $13.4 billion package of incentives for semiconductor manufacturing.

在生产中学习推动了东亚奇迹,从1965年到1990年的出口导向型快速增长,大大提高了生活水平。但这只是因为这些国家的政府以低利率和有竞争力的汇率帮助企业度过了长期痛苦的生产过剩和利润低下的时期。即使在1997年亚洲金融危机期间,企业重组成为不可避免的事情,首尔也保护了今天SK海力士公司(SK Hynix Inc.)的深度学习。印度的产业政策还有待检验其长期战略意图。

Learning in production powered the East Asian miracle, a period of rapid export-led growth from 1965 to 1990 that dramatically raised living standards. But that’s only because the governments of those countries helped firms through long patches of painful overproduction and poor profits with low interest rates and competitive exchange rates. Even when corporate restructuring became inevitable during the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis, Seoul protected the deep learning embedded in today’s SK Hynix Inc. India’s industrial policy is yet to be tested on its long-term strategic intent.

对于这种模式来说,印度的公共财政太不稳定,而且其商界领袖太厌恶风险。永久低估的货币也不能成为一种策略。随着中国从劣质商品的供应国变成现代技术的挑战者,西方在方向盘上睡着了,将无法推动另一个十亿人口经济体的崛起。

India’s public finances are too precarious for that model, and its business leaders are too risk-averse. A permanently undervalued currency can’t be a strategy either. The West won’t enable the rise of another billion-person economy after being caught asleep at the wheel as China went from a supplier of inferior goods to a challenger in modern technologies.

印度可以依赖全球领导者现有的研发中心,而不是试图通过哄骗没有自己技术的国内私营部门来建立整个供应链。大型科技公司先进微设备公司、英特尔、英伟达和高通在印度雇用了数千名工程师进行尖端研发。为他们投资资金不足的公立大学提供税收减免。让他们建立先进的测试、模拟和验证实验室--不仅在精英机构内,而且在更广泛的工程学校网络内。他们可以培养出所需的所有科学家和研究人员,甚至更多。过剩的人才将推动初创企业的繁荣,创始人的野心将超越10分钟送餐的范围。

Instead of trying to build an entire supply chain by coaxing a domestic private sector that has no technology of its own, India could rely on the existing R&D centers of global leaders. Large tech companies Advanced Micro Devices, Intel, Nvidia and Qualcomm employ thousands of engineers in India for cutting-edge R&D. Give them tax breaks for investing in underfunded public universities. Let them set up advanced testing, simulation and verification labs — not just within elite institutions but also the broader network of engineering schools. They can produce all the scientists and researchers they will need, and more. The surplus talent will drive a startup boom where the founders’ ambitions go beyond 10-minute food delivery.

类似的逻辑也适用于数据中心。使用当地土地和电力的代币工厂可以将5%的高带宽存储芯片捐献给现有的国家研究云,供大学和研究中心访问。任何由此产生的科学突破最终都可能刺激当地工业投资于真正的研发。

A similar logic applies to data centers. Token factories using local land and power could contribute, say, 5% of their high-bandwidth memory chips toward an existing national research cloud, accessible to universities and research centers. Any resulting scientific breakthroughs could finally spur local industry to invest in real R&D.

然而,跨国公司将承担重任。当我参观约翰·F。两年前,位于班加罗尔的韦尔奇技术中心,工程师们与纽约通用电气航空航天公司尼斯卡尤纳的同事合作,开发一种新型混合电动喷气发动机平台--今年7月,这一努力在世界上首次高空混合电动飞行中得到了验证。跨国公司已在印度雇用了240万名专业人士,年收入近1000亿美元。真正的政策问题是如何将这笔金额增加到1万亿美元。将本地研究直接嵌入全球公司在全球销售的设备和服务中将比获得代码行报酬高得多。

Multinational companies, however, will do the heavy lifting. When I visited the John F. Welch Technology Center in Bengaluru two years ago, engineers were collaborating with colleagues at GE Aerospace’s Niskayuna, New York, operation on a novel hybrid-electric jet engine platform—an effort validated this July in the world’s first high-altitude hybrid-electric flight. Multinationals already employ 2.4 million professionals in India, generating nearly $100 billion in annual revenue. The real policy question is how to supercharge this sum to $1 trillion. Embedding local research directly in the gear and services global companies sell worldwide will be far more remunerative than getting paid for lines of code.

这就是为什么印度年轻人如此关心大学入学考试的公平性。即使在人工智能时代,他们也能看到良好教育的力量,他们不希望这种教育被剥夺。随着印度每年铸造的科学、技术、工程和医学领域的300万个本科和研究生学位的数量和质量大幅提高,该国可以在十年内将其前沿人才库扩大十倍。

That is why young Indians care so deeply about fairness in university entrance exams. They can see the power of a good education even in the age of AI, and they don’t want it denied to them. With a substantial lift to the quantity and quality of the 3 million undergraduate and graduate degrees India mints annually in science, technology, engineering and medicine, the nation can conceivably expand its frontier cutting-edge talent pool by tenfold over a decade.

这些研发专业人员中的每一位都获得了具有全球竞争力的工资,可以为公共就业和城市基础设施创造急需的税收资源。收入更高的教师、医生和一线卫生工作者将开始填补印度就业金字塔的中层,那里的收入和财富过于集中在顶端。即使它提高了公民服务的质量,扩大了妇女和社会弱势种姓群体的职业机会,国家也必须放松那些阻碍经济发展的官僚主义者。

Each of these R&D professionals, earning globally competitive wages, can generate the badly needed tax resources for public employment and urban infrastructure. Better-paid teachers, doctors and frontline health workers will start filling out the middle of India’s employment pyramid, where income and wealth are far too concentrated at the top. Even as it boosts the quality of civic services and expands career opportunities for women and socially disadvantaged caste groups, the state must loosen the grip of paper-shuffling bureaucrats holding the economy back.

但是,尽管未来增长的先锋需要培养,但那些技能水平不高的人需要摆脱低生产率的困境。超过1500万印度人从事手工织布工、缝纫工和裁缝的工作,通常是在单独的工厂里。另外还有500万人受雇于家庭食品加工企业。当他们获得哪怕一点点规模和资本时,每个工人的附加值就会从每天约4美元跃升到6美元甚至8美元。如果印度想效仿台湾在制造业方面的成功,那么它也必须遵循它的道路,首先发展小企业。

But while this vanguard of future growth needs to be nurtured, those who aren’t at the same level of skills need to be pulled out of a low-productivity rut. More than 15 million Indians work as handloom weavers, knitters and tailors, very often in solo establishments. An additional 5 million are employed by mom-and-pop food-processing operations. When they get even a little bit of scale and capital, the value added per worker jumps from about $4 a day to $6 or even $8. If India wants to emulate Taiwan’s success in manufacturing, then it must also follow its path and build up its small businesses first.

印度这种转型的窗口不会永远敞开。随着人工智能代理的激增并接管更多任务,仍然需要人类工程师监督他们一路编写的代码。但这些专业职位不会遵循劳动力成本套利的逻辑,而劳动力成本套利使外包成为一项利润丰厚的贸易。纳什维尔和班加罗尔一样容易找到工作岗位。如果是前者,印度技术人员将处于劣势,因为华盛顿在移民问题上的立场也变得强硬。

India’s window for this transition won’t stay open forever. As AI agents proliferate and take over more tasks, there will still be demand for human engineers to supervise the code they write along the way. But those specialist positions won’t follow the logic of labor-cost arbitrage that made outsourcing such a lucrative trade. The jobs can come up just as easily in Nashville as Bengaluru. And if it’s the former, Indian techies will be at a disadvantage because Washington’s stance on immigration has also hardened.

1804年,也就是珍妮纺纱几十年后,约瑟夫·乔米尔发明了一种机械织机,可以使用一系列打孔卡来控制复杂织物图案的编织。这些卡包含二进制代码的种子--最终催生了现代计算机的0和1。在让印度工匠陷入贫困的工厂自动化和最终让这个国家重新回归的计算机革命之间,损失了四分之一千年。

In 1804, a few decades after the spinning jenny, Joseph Jacquard invented a mechanical loom to control the weaving of complex fabric patterns using a sequence of punched cards. Those cards contained the seeds of binary code — the zeros and ones that would eventually give birth to the modern computer. Between the factory automation that impoverished India’s artisans and the computer revolution that finally gave the country a way back in, a quarter of a millennium was lost.

这一历史弧线在作家阿米塔夫·戈什(Amitav Ghosh)1986年的小说中占有突出地位:“当世界历史破裂时,棉花和布就在背后;机械人在追求自己的毁灭。.谁知道会发生什么新的恐怖?”好吧,最新的恐怖是人工智能,对此过于胆怯的印度公司。忽视了建立基础能力。模仿以智能手机和智能手机为中心的产业政策不会足够快地创造良好的就业机会。

This historical arc features prominently in the author Amitav Ghosh’s 1986 novel, : “When the history of the world broke, cotton and cloth were behind it; mechanical man in pursuit of his own destruction. … Who knows what new horrors lie in store?”Well, the latest horror is AI, for which an overly timid India Inc. has neglected to build foundational capabilities. Mimicking a smartphone- and semiconductor-focused industrial policy won’t create good jobs fast enough.

尽管向西方投降会在政治和经济上适得其反,但合作将使世界上人口最多的国家融入全球经济的经线和纬中。苹果公司敦促“换个角度思考”以甘地和他的纺纱机为特色的标志性广告。是时候采取朴素的解决方案了。

And though capitulation to the West will backfire both politically and economically, collaboration will keep the world’s most populous nation enmeshed in the warp and weft of the global economy. “Think different,” urged Apple Inc.’s iconic ad featuring Gandhi and his spinning wheel. It’s time for a homespun solution.

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