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参议员亚当·希夫谈人工智能监管、言论自由,以及再次弹劾特朗普Sen. Adam Schiff on AI regulation, free speech, and impeaching Trump one more time

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今天,我正在与加利福尼亚州民主党参议员亚当·希夫对话。希夫参议员在多个负责监督科技和人工智能的委员会任职:知识产权、反垄断、隐私和技术——所有这些都在他的管辖范围内。我非常想问他,在当前这个时刻,我们该如何监管与科技行业相关的任何事务。

Today, Im talking with Senator Adam Schiff, a Democrat from California. Sen. Schiff sits on a number of committees with oversight into tech and AI: intellectual property, antitrust, privacy and technology — its all there.

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I really wanted to ask him about how we might regulate anything related to the tech industry at this moment in time. rs, dont forget But as youll hear, he started our conversation by talking about the self-dealing and corruption present all through our politics.

但正如你将听到的,他一开场就谈到了贯穿我们政治始终的自利交易和腐败。这当然是在特朗普总统召集人工智能首席执行官们前往白宫,签署一份无约束力的协议、承诺“把人工智能安全管好”这一背景下发生的。

That of course fell against the backdrop of President Trump gathering AI CEOs to the White House to sign a non-binding pact in which they agree to, you know, do a good job keeping AI safe.

我问希夫参议员,他是否认为这已经足够,他心目中更正式的监管框架是什么样子,如果民主党在中期选举中重夺国会控制权会发生什么——一直到他是否会再次支持弹劾总统,理由就是那些腐败行为。我们还花了一些时间对比和对照:如何监管人工智能,与我们目前对社交媒体的监管现状有何异同。

I asked Sen. Schiff if he thinks thats enough, how he thinks a more formal regulatory framework would look, and what might happen next if Democrats retake Congress in the midterms — all the way to whether hed support impeaching the President (again) over all that corruption. We also spent some time comparing and contrasting how you might regulate AI with where we`ve landed regulating social media.

一个专业小注:你将听到我向参议员询问一种叫“谢弗林尊重原则”的东西,以及一个最高法院案件。简单说,最高法院推翻了里根时代的一项先例,该先例规定法律模糊时法院应尊重行政机构专家的解释。

One nerdy note: you`re going to hear me ask the senator about something called Chevron deference and a Supreme Court case called Basically, the Supreme Court overturned a Reagan-era precedent saying courts would defer to experts in agencies when the law was vague.

现在,决定权落到了法院手中,这可能导致任何新法规一出台就立即陷入诉讼泥沼。这对于创建一个监管人工智能的新机构这一想法显得极其相关,而希夫参议员支持这样做。好了:加利福尼亚州参议员亚当·希夫。开始吧。

Now, the courts get to decide, which could cause any new regulation to get immediately tied up in litigation. That seems awfully relevant to the idea of creating a new agency to regulate AI, which Sen. Schiff supports doing. Okay: California Senator Adam Schiff. Here we go.

亚当·希夫参议员,您是来自加利福尼亚州的美国联邦参议员。欢迎来到《解码器》。谢谢。很高兴能和您在一起。

Senator Adam Schiff, you`re a United States Senator from California. Welcome to Decoder. Thank you. Great to be with you.

我一直在问每一位上节目的政客这个非常基础的问题,就在2026年的今天。参议员,到底我们国家发生了什么?

I have been asking every politician who comes on the show this very basic question here in 2026. Senator, what the hell is going on in our country?

这是个非常好的问题。我认为我们在过去几年里,特别是最近几年,看到了前所未有的事情发生。遗憾的是,政府内部存在猖獗的腐败。每天、每周都有新事端。目前我认为最令人震惊的是,看到由纳税人买单的总统竞选广告被播放。但每周都有新花样。或是禁止记者进入白宫或“空军一号”,或是某个新的敛财计划,或是某个新的面子工程。

Its a very good question. I think we have seen things take place in the last couple of years in particular that weve never seen before. Theres sadly rampant corruption within the administration. Every day, every week, its a new thing. At the moment, I think what is most jarring is seeing campaign ads aired of the president that are paid for by taxpayer dollars. But every week its something else. Its excluding press from the White House or Air Force One, or it`s some new moneymaking scheme or some new vanity project.

如果你看看那个凯旋门,他们现在声称这是国家安全问题,因为他们想在里面储存弹药。他们为什么要这么做?因为他们最有力的法律论据是,这不仅仅是装饰性的,而是具有某种国家安全目的。

If you look at, for example, the triumphal arch, theyre now claiming its a national security issue because they want to store ammunition in it. And why do they want to do that? Because the best legal argument they have is that this is not just cosmetic, that they have some national security purpose.

那么我们在国家层面看到了什么?我们看到的是混乱,而在生活成本和提高民众生活质量这些问题上,政府层面或我国会的共和党同事们都没有任何关注,但我希望这能有所改变。

So what are we seeing in the country? Were seeing chaos and no focus on the cost of living and improving the quality of peoples lives at the administration level, or by my Republican colleagues in Congress, but I`m hoping that changes.

国家安全这块对我来说非常有意思,结合我有的一系列问题来看,因为特朗普政府热衷于用“国家安全”来为其所做的每一件事辩护,声称这不容置疑,并以此或多或少地赋予行政部门更大的权力。他们从一开始就这样做。

The national security piece is very interesting to me in the context of a bunch of questions I have for you, because the Trump administration loves to justify every single thing it does by saying its national security, and it cant be questioned, and this should bring more authority to the executive branch in one way or another. And they`ve been doing that since the beginning.

但就在这周,我们看到一群科技高管在白宫作出了一项无约束力的承诺,要评估他们自己的人工智能系统。尽管这些人是国内最著名的、声称AI可能毁灭人类的人群,但并没有任何国家安全顾虑能让这项承诺具有约束力。你能解释得通这个矛盾吗?

But just this week, we had a bunch of tech executives at the White Houseg a non-binding promise to evaluate their own AI systems. And there was no national security concern that made any of that binding, even though they are among the most prominent people in the country saying they might kill everyone. Can you square that circle at all?

这很难调和。有趣的是,一方面那些科技领袖聚集在白宫签署了这项自愿承诺,另一方面,他们离开白宫、远离总统后,却公开高调表示:“我们需要监管。我们不希望这只是‘相信我们,我们会做正确的事’。”所以是的,这种反差非常巨大,非常刺耳。这些公司没有一家想招惹这位极其爱记仇的总统。显然,他们在总统面前会说总统爱听的话。

Its very hard to square. It was interesting to see all those tech leaders thereg onto this voluntary pledge on the one hand and on the other hand, away from the White House grounds, away from the president, being very public and saying, “We need regulation. We dont want this to be just ‘Trust us, well do the right thing.” So yeah, it was very distant, very jarring. None of these companies want to incur the wrath of this very vengeful president. Apparently, they will say what he wants them to say in his presence.

但现实是,这里存在真正的国家安全威胁。随着这些模型变得越来越先进,随着它们通过这种递归式AI自我进化,我们对它们在做什么、如何做决策、以及试图合法或非法获取什么,知之越来越少。

But the reality is, there is a real national security threat here. As these models become more and more advanced, as they advance themselves through this recursive AI, we have less and less of a sense of what theyre doing, how theyre deciding what theyre deciding, and what theyre trying to access lawfully or unlawfully.

这是最高等级的国家安全担忧。还有其他安全担忧。五角大楼不加节制地部署AI可能导致灾难,我们需要调查AI在轰炸那所伊朗女子学校的目标选择中可能扮演了什么角色。有人试图打压Anthropic,因为Anthropic坚持不将AI用于国内大规模监控或完全自主武器系统。这关乎国家安全。而政府的回应是试图扼杀Anthropic,且至今仍在继续。所以存在大量国家安全担忧,却没有任何一项被公开讨论。

That is a national security concern of the highest order. There are other security concerns too. The unbridled implementation of AI at the Pentagon can result in calamities, and we need to investigate what role AI may have played in target selection in the bombing of that Iranian girlsschool, for example. There has been an effort to go after Anthropic, because Anthropic wanted to insist on not using AI for domestic mass surveillance or for fully autonomous weapons systems. Thats a national security issue. And their response in the administration was to try to kill Anthropic, and they`re still at it. So lots of national security concerns, none of them aired.

当记者向总统提问此事时,他说:“世界不必担心这个,因为这些公司热爱美国。”我真不觉得这算得上什么回答。当他被追问:“难道没有其他必要的措施吗?”他指了指自己的脑袋,希望人们能从中得到安慰,因为他拥有,我想,一个据他说非常大的大脑。他是个“稳定的天才”,所以我们不必担心。他已通过所有测试。我是这么被告知的。

When the president was asked about this by a reporter, he said, “Well, the world doesnt have to worry about this because these companies love America.”Im not really sure thats much of an answer. And when he was asked, “Well, isnt there anything else thats necessary?”He pointed to his brain and wanted people to take comfort that he has, I guess, a very big brain, he tells us. Hes a stable genius, and therefore we dont need to worry. Hes passed all the tests. So I`ve been told.

您显然身兼多个委员会职务,但我认为对这次对话最重要的是,您作为参议院司法委员会多个小组委员会的成员,正处于人工智能监管的核心地带。您是知识产权小组委员会的资深少数党成员,同时也是隐私、技术与法律小组委员会以及反垄断竞争政策与消费者权利委员会的成员。光看这份名单,就是人工智能监管辩论的绝对核心。

You are obviously on a number of committees, but most importantly, I think for this conversation, youre on a number of subcommittees as part of the Senate Judiciary Committee that are in the strike zone for AI. So youre the ranking member on the subcommittee on Intellectual Property, you`re on the Privacy, Technology and the Law subcommittee, and then, of course, the Antitrust Competition Policy and Consumer Rights Committee. I just look at that list, and that is the dead center of the AI regulatory debate.

国会在辩论这些议题时,讨论氛围如何?特别是知识产权问题,在我看来似乎关乎这些公司的生死存亡。如果我们开始向它们收取训练数据费用,它们可能就不复存在了。

What`s the conversation in Congress like as you debate these issues? In particular, I look at the IP issues, and they seem existential to these companies. If we start charging them for training data, they might not exist anymore.

我认为这是对的。当你审视这些模型为训练而“吸吮”进去的所有知识产权时,那构成了某些娱乐公司价值的很大一部分。因此,这些公司的生死存亡取决于其知识产权的强弱。但棘手的是,行业里的参与者并不都一样。既有大型流媒体公司参与,也有大型科技公司参与。有些公司的 AI 或技术组合对其而言远比其影片库的 IP 价值重要得多。

I think thats right. When you look at, for example, all of the IP thats been vacuumed up by these models to train these models, thats a lot of the value of some of these entertainment companies. And so they live or die on the strength of their IP. But what makes this challenging is that not all of the players in the industry are the same. Youve got big streamers involved; youve got big technology companies involved. Youve got companies whose AI or their technology portfolio is much more important to them than the IP value of their film library.

我不认为亚马逊的影片库是亚马逊最重要的业务。如果是,他们大概就不会制作电影《梅拉尼娅》了。顺便说一句,我最喜欢的一篇影评来自《综艺》杂志的评论员,他说:“即使你在飞机上看那部电影,你也会选择走出去。”但知识产权问题确实至关重要。柯蒂斯参议员和我正在共同推进这些问题,首先要求知晓:究竟用了哪些受版权保护的材料、哪些受保护的素材来训练这些模型。

I dont think the film library at Amazon is Amazons most important business. If it was, they probably wouldn`t have made the movie Melania. But my favorite review of that, by the way, was the Variety reviewer who said, “If you watch that movie on a plane, you would still walk out.”But the IP issues are really important. Senator Curtis and I are working together on them to begin by saying, we want to know what copyrighted material, what protected material, was used to train these models.

然后我们才能讨论什么属于合理使用、什么不属于,但我们需要这些公司保留这些信息。当然也还有许多其他知识产权问题,有些是有益的。我们曾就专利局举行过听证会,了解专利局利用 AI 更快地处理专利申请积压。所以在知识产权领域也会有好的应用,但同时也有很多担忧,担心这对人们的创造性才华意味着什么。

And then we can have a discussion about whats fair use and what isnt, but we need these companies to retain that information. But lots of other IP issues, some beneficial. We had a hearing on the patent office, and the patent offices use of AI to more quickly get through the backlog of patent applications. So there are going to be good applications too in the IP area, but also a lot of worry about what it means for peoples creative talents.

我想从知识产权切入,不仅仅是因为我自己曾是一名失败的版权律师,重点在于“失败”。我干得不好。但眼下这个行业似乎需要一种相当全面的监管方法。那么,模型的输入数据是否以合法方式收集,并惠及创造这些数据的生态系统?电影制片厂能否因大量训练数据获得报酬?网站运营商能否因谷歌抓取搜索数据训练模型而获得报酬?

I wanted to start with IP, not just because Im a failed former copyright lawyer myself, and emphasis on the failed. I was no good at it. But it just seems like what this industry needs right now is a pretty holistic approach to regulation. So are the inputs of the models being collected in a legal way that benefits the ecosystem that created them? Are the studios going to get paid for a bunch of training data? Are website operators going to get paid for training Googles models that they scrape with search?

接着问题来到,它们是否需要反垄断豁免权,以便在安全问题上协调行动,免得毁了我们所有人?在这两个极端之间,还有一整串事项也需要监管框架,可能只需要一些基本的透明度法律。

And then youre on to, do they need an antitrust exemption so they can coordinate on safety and they dont kill us all? And there`s a whole list of things in between those two ideas that also need some regulatory frameworks, that might just need some basic transparency laws.

你怎么看?我们的政府准备好从头做起,做到尾,把中间所有步骤都走完了吗?

What do you think about that? Is our government prepared to start at the beginning, and end at the end, and do all the steps in the middle?

我的看法是,首先存在所有输入端的问题,这些公司的心态似乎是:“我们在赛跑。我们要把所有东西全吸进来。是的,这大概率违反了许多知识产权法,但如果我们不干,别的公司会干。法律问题以后再担心。” 于是它们就这么干了。当然,现在它们被不同方起诉,有的选择和解,有的选择对抗。但它们启动这一进程的方式,就是决定无视知识产权法,先拿走知识产权,问题留待日后解决。

Well, how I think about it is youve got all the input issues, and it really seems like the thought at these companies was, “Were in a race. Were just going to vacuum it all up. And yes, this probably violates a lot of the IP laws, but if we dont do it, the other companies are going to do it. Well worry about the legality later.”So thats what theyve done. And of course theyre being sued by different parties, and some are settling these cases, and some are fighting these cases. But they began the process by just deciding they were going to ignore IP law, and they were just going to take [IP] and worry about the problems later.

就输出端而言,我认为这已将这些公司带到了今天的境地,不得不考虑输出内容的安全性。我们是否需要放慢这些模型的开发速度,因为我们不信任其输出?我们不知道它们会导向何方。我们甚至无法控制这些模型本身,更别说将它们提供给公众、善意用户、恶意用户,却指望不会出现可怕后果。从立法者的整体考量来看,这迫切呼唤立法。说实话,我对国会和科技行业立法持审慎态度,因为在监管社交媒体带来的危害、社会危害方面,我们干得——我不知道这里能用什么措辞——简直烂透了。

And then, in terms of the outputs, it has taken us to where we are today for these companies, I think, to consider the safety of the outputs. Do we need to start slowing down the pace of our development of these models because we dont trust the outputs? We dont know where theyll lead. We cant even control these models ourselves, let alone provide these models to the public, to good actors, to bad actors, and expect that were not going to have some terrible result. In terms of how I think about this holistically as a legislator, this is crying out for legislation. I am, Ill be honest, very circumspect about Congress and legislating the tech sector because we did such a — I dont know what language Im allowed to use here — but such a shitty job when it comes to any kind of regulation of the harms, the societal harms coming out of social media.

在人工智能方面,我们必须做得好得多、快得多,因为威胁更为严重,我们已处于强潜在危害的节点。这等不得。我们绝不能像应对社交媒体那样,花费数年时间才勉强理清头绪。

Were going to have to do a much better job and much more quickly when it comes to AI, because the threats are even more significant and were already at the point of strong potential harms. It cant wait. We certainly cant take the kind of years we`ve taken to try to even wrap ourselves around social media.

能问一下那个比较吗?我经常听到这种说法。政客这么说,业界这么说,家长当然也这么说。在我看来,社交媒体监管的问题从来不在于我们太慢,或无人能想出办法;而始终在于第一修正案的存在本身。社交媒体监管需要做的是管控虚假信息流动,防止青少年互相霸凌,或发布宣扬厌食症的内容。

Can I ask about that comparison? I hear it a lot. I hear it from politicians. I hear it from the industry itself. I hear it from parents, of course. It seems to me that the problem with social media regulation was never that we`re too slow, or that no one can come up with an idea; it was always the very existence of the First Amendment. The thing you needed to do with social media was regulate the flow of disinformation, or keep teens from bullying one another, or from posting pro-anorexia content.

所有这些归根结底都是言论监管。这些公司知道这一点;科技公司绝对清楚这一点。我记得它们会在华盛顿特区竖起广告牌。Meta 会打出“我们欢迎监管”的广告牌。然后我会听取各种监管构想,结果它们全都径直撞上了《第一修正案》这堵墙,最后不了了之。

All of that came down to being speech regulation. The companies knew this; the tech companies absolutely knew this. And I remember they would put up billboards in DC. Meta would put up billboards saying, “We welcome regulation.”Then I would listen to the ideas for regulation, and they would crash headfirst into the First Amendment, and then nothing would happen.

这似乎让我们在隐私监管等问题上也陷入了瘫痪,因为隐私监管与社交媒体的概念紧紧捆绑在一起。但在 AI 问题上,这种感觉不复存在。你和国会的同僚们是否划清了界限,即在 AI 案例中,并非《第一修正案》阻碍了你们采取许多针对社交媒体可能采取的行动?

And it seemed like that paralyzed us from doing things like privacy regulation, because it was tied up next to the very idea of social media. It doesnt feel that way with AI. Do you and your peers in Congress draw the distinction that it isnt the First Amendment preventing you from doing a lot of the things that you might do for social media, in the AI case?

老实说,我不认为第一修正案是监管社交媒体时的核心问题。我认为第一修正案当然被那些不想接受监管的公司利用了,它们试图辩称一切都是第一修正案问题,而实际上许多问题根本不涉及第一修正案。监管社交媒体公司的门槛性问题是:它们根据《通信规范法》第230条享有的广泛豁免权是否仍然有效?该行业曾请求这种“一刀切”式的豁免权,理由是:“我们是新兴行业,别监管我们,别阻碍我们。如果你们试图监管我们,那么如果我们没有豁免权,就会觉得有必要删除内容,因为我们可能会因此被起诉。我们想做良性参与者,想删除不良内容,但也不想因此被起诉。所以给我们一张白条。”

Honestly, I dont think it was the First Amendment that was the issue in regulating social media. I think the First Amendment was certainly used by companies that didnt want regulation to try to argue everything was a First Amendment issue, when so much wasnt a First Amendment issue. The threshold question in terms of regulation of the social media companies is: is the broad immunity they have under Section 230 still working? The industry asked for that one-size-doesnt-fit-all immunity because it said, “Were a nascent industry, dont regulate us, dont inhibit us. If you try to regulate us, then we will feel, or if were not immune, that its necessary to take down content because we might get sued over it. We want to be good actors. We want to take down offensive conduct, but we dont want to get sued for that either. So give us carte blanche.”And they got it.

它们真的得到了这张白条,但它们并未成为良好的企业公民,反而允许大量危害发生,并训练算法让用户上瘾。如此多的内容对年轻人有害,如此多的内容违反了它们自己的政策,但由于国会赋予它们的豁免范围极广,它们免受任何后果追究。如今我认为它们发现,一个好的策略是将这些问题包装成第一修正案问题,并攻击对方,说“哦,存在针对保守派的偏见”,诸如此类。一切都是为了维持不受监管的状态。

They got carte blanche, and they have not been good citizens, corporate citizens, and theyve allowed a lot of harm to take place, and theyve trained their algorithms for addiction. So much of the content has been harmful to young people, and so much of the content has violated their own policies, but they have been immune from any consequences because of the breadth of what Congress gave them. Now they found it, I think, strategically, a good strategy is to frame these things as the First Amendment, and to attack the other side and say, “Oh, there`s a bias that is against conservatives,” or whatever. It was all in the service of keeping that unregulated.

所以我真的不认为第一修正案是问题所在,但我认为它被当作一根大棒,用来阻挠任何有意义的监管。我同样担心,围绕人工智能的巨额资金可能导致同样的瘫痪,如果国会议员不愿做正确的事,不愿在无论业界各方花费多少的情况下建立保障措施。

So I really dont think the First Amendment has been the issue, but I think it has been utilized as a bludgeon to try to stop any kind of meaningful regulation. I similarly worry that all of the money around AI may result in the same paralysis if members of Congress arent willing to do the right thing, and aren`t willing to put in place safeguards regardless of how much different industry players might spend.

我们曾多次邀请参议员[罗恩]·怀登上节目探讨《第230条》。我不会在这个问题上钻牛角尖。当时的动态是,《第230条》提供了你所描述的豁免权,但这是针对原本属于非法言论的豁免。也就是说,是针对诽谤性言论。还有一整类言论并不违法。你的意思是,取消社交平台的《第230条》豁免权,会迫使它们审核那些合法但恶劣的言论?我之所以提这个,是因为我很好奇你会如何将其应用到AI案例中。

Weve had Sen. [Ron] Wyden on the show many times to talk about Section 230. I wont go too far down that rabbit hole. The dynamic there was that Section 230 provided the immunity that youre describing, but it was immunity for speech that would otherwise be illegal. And so it was speech that was defamatory. Theres a whole category of speech that isnt illegal. Are you saying that taking the 230 immunity away from the social platforms would somehow make them moderate lawful but awful speech? And I bring this up because Im very curious about how you would apply it in the AI case as well.

是的,我认为确实如此。他们那部分论点是:“我们想撤下那些非常恶劣、冒犯性、种族主义的内容,但如果你不给我们豁免权,我们就不敢这么做。所以给我们豁免权,我们会把那些坏东西都清理掉。”他们得到了豁免权。我不知道你最近上X(原推特)没;那简直是个污水池。所以,给予他们广泛的豁免权并没有让他们得以执行社区准则。

Yeah, no, I think that is the case. That part of their argument was, ” We want to take down really nasty, offensive, racist content, but we will be afraid to do so if you dont give us immunity. So give us immunity, and well take all that bad stuff down.”They got immunity. And I dont know if youve been on X lately; it`s a cesspool. So giving them broad immunity did not allow them to enforce their community policies.

第一修正案禁止政府规定言论或禁止你说话。它并不禁止私人主体说“我们不想要种族主义内容在我们平台上”。所以私人平台说“这违反了我们的政策,我们不发布它”完全没有问题。而他们并没有善用这项豁免权。那么,为什么他们还应该继续拥有它?

And the First Amendment prohibits the government from dictating speech or prohibiting you from saying things. It doesnt prohibit a private party from saying, “We dont want racist content on our platform.”So theres no problem with a private platform saying, “That violates our policy. Were not going to post it.”And they`re not utilizing that immunity in a good way. So why should they continue to have it?

现在,我们或许想为符合最佳实践和标准的公司创设一个“安全港”。所以我们或许想缩小《第230条》的适用范围,而不是彻底废除它。在AI领域,类比的对象是什么?我不确定类比是什么。

Now, we may want to create a safe harbor for companies that are meeting best practices and standards. So we may want to narrow 230 instead of getting rid of it. What is the analogy in terms of AI? I`m not sure what the analogy is.

让我来梳理一下我一直在思考的关联点。就社交媒体与《通信规范法》第230条而言,该条款赋予平台的一项豁免权就是:平台无需对用户发布的内容承担法律责任。也就是说,即便我发布了一些对你极为不利的言论,你也无法起诉马克·扎克伯格。正是这一条款使得各大社交媒体平台得以大规模发展。

Let me draw you the connection that Ive been thinking about a lot. In the case of social media and Section 230, the immunity was that the platforms would not be responsible for the speech of the users. So I would post something horrible about you, and you couldnt sue Mark Zuckerberg. This is the thing that has broadly enabled the social media platforms at scale.

今天我打开Instagram,发现它几乎是在替我生成内容。事实上,Instagram上的很多内容都是由Meta自行生成的,这些显然属于Meta的言论。从让AI工具代为运营Instagram账号,到由Meta自主合成各类产品推荐内容并生成相关文本,这些行为都可能让Meta承担法律责任——这些行为已超出了第230条的豁免范围,因为它们属于Meta的言论范畴。

I opened Instagram today, and it is all but making the content for me. And in fact, a lot of content on Instagram is being generated by Meta. It is obviously their speech. And somewhere between having your Muse go and make Instagram for you, and Meta synthesizing all of the product recommendations and generating content all by itself, is a liability for Meta.

这其中存在诸多界限需要厘清。如果我完全借助Meta的AI代理工具来自动运营自己的Instagram账号,那么发布的内容究竟算是我的言论、Meta的言论,还是AI模型的言论呢?谁也说不准。不过这类内容很可能不在第230条的适用范围内,也就无法享受相关豁免保护。我很好奇,你认为这种情况是否会切实改变这些平台的内容审核方式呢?

It is outside of the Section 230 shield. That is their speech. And you can draw a lot of distinctions there. If I fully automate my Instagram account with my Meta agent, is that my speech, Meta speech, or the AI models speech? Who knows? But it might not be under 230. So you would be outside of the immunity shield. And Im just curious if you think that will meaningfully alter how they moderate.

我认同你的分析,不过我认为这类法律界定相当复杂。正因如此,这些公司才觉得自己有足够的财力来阻止或延缓诉讼进程。Meta以及其他同类企业有权决定如何推广特定内容。假设某条内容是我生成的,但如果Meta投入大量资金将其推送给大量原本不会看到该内容的用户,那么这条内容是否仍完全属于我的言论呢?

I agree with your analysis, but I think its a difficult enough legal analysis that they feel theyve got the money to stop, or slow down, effective litigation. Meta, or any of these other companies, decides how they want to amplify certain content. So lets say its content that I generated. Is it still solely my speech if Meta spends a fortune to amplify it to so many users who wouldn`t have heard it, but for Meta making that decision, or is it now both of our speech?

还是说它已经成了我和Meta共同的“言论”呢?我实在无法确定其中的界限究竟在哪里。如果内容明显完全由Meta生成,那问题就很简单了,但现实中肯定会有大量介于两者之间的情形存在。

Im not sure exactly where that line is. If its obviously purely Meta content, then it`s pretty simple, but there are going to be a lot of cases in between.

但我认为更广泛的问题是:230条款以其目前的形式是否仍然实现了其目的?我不这么认为,但我知道大家对它应该是什么样子并没有达成共识。这也是我们难以采取行动的一个部分原因。但即便是这些较小的事情,比如不允许你的平台鼓励人们自杀,在社交媒体的背景下对我们来说也很难做到。说实话,诉讼比立法更有效果,因为我们无法通过立法来解决这些问题。

But I think the broader question is: is 230 in its current form still meeting its purpose? I dont think it is, but I know theres no consensus over what that ought to look like. And that is part of what has hampered us from doing anything. But even the smallish stuff, the small-bore stuff like dont allow your platforms to encourage people to commit suicide has been hard for us to do in the social media context. Really, litigation has been more effective than legislation because we havent been able to legislate.

如果你现在看向人工智能领域,我们在立法上取得了一些进展,至少在流程上试图防止人工智能聊天机器人告诉孩子们如何自杀,或隐藏这些信息不让父母知道。但即便是这些小事,也还没有完成。那么这又说明了什么呢?这说明了我们在处理大事情时的能力有多有限。

If you look now to AI, we made some progress legislatively, at least in terms of the process in trying to prevent AI chatbots from telling kids how to commit suicide or keep it from their parents. But even those little things are still not at the finish line. So what does that say about our capacity to do the big things?

历史上,当遇到这样的困难时,我们总是等待灾难发生。而在人工智能领域的情况下,因为这种灾难可能非常巨大,我们不能这样做。

Historically, when stuff is tough like this, we wait for calamity. And in the case of AI, because that calamity could be just massive, we can`t afford to do that.

在我看来,我们似乎即将对230条款豁免权的价值进行一次相当大规模的A/B测试。ChatGPT对人们所说的东西显然是OpenAI的言论。而旁边则是人工智能公司所讨论的那种澄清性法律,比如关于代理人的问题以及类似Hugging Face攻击这样的事件,他们不知道如果一个用户指示代理人做一些坏事,这是否应该归咎于他们。如果我是那个告诉我的代理人去做一些可怕的黑客攻击的人,那么这种责任是否应该通过他们传达过去?

It does seem to me like were about to run a fairly large-scale A/B test on the value of the 230 immunity. Whatever ChatGPT is saying to people is very clearly OpenAI speech. And then somewhere next to that is the kind of clarification law that AI companies are talking about in terms of agents and things like the Hugging Face attack, where they dont know if a user directing an agent to do something bad is their fault. Whether that liability should pass through them if I`m the person who told my agent to go do some horrible hacking attack.

我与科技行业谈过了,他们希望立法能带来法律上的明确性。但我们得到的却是一份与特朗普政府签订的不可约束协议,它只是简单地写道:“公司将授权一个内部团队确保所有控制措施、监测和检测都能按预期运行”,这让人感觉毫无意义。对我来说,这简直是毫无意义。你觉得这像个没有牙齿的、像对我来说毫无意义的承诺吗?

I talked to the tech industry, and the thing they want from legislation is actual clarity in the law. And instead, what we`ve gotten is this non-binding agreement with the Trump administration that simply says things like, “The companies will empower an internal team to ensure all of the controls, monitoring, and detection are operating as intended,” which feels like nothing. To me, that is literally meaningless. Does that strike you as toothless and as meaningless as it does to me?

是的,的确如此。我认为这真的是毫无意义。我一直在思考你刚刚提出的问题。这很有趣,你提到了这个问题,那就是:目前法律责任究竟在何处?所以,如果你有这些机器人黑入澳大利亚的网站,或者黑入Hugging Face,显然这就是这些模型的责任,因为这不是在客户的要求下进行的。

Yeah, it certainly does. I think it really is meaningless. Ive been thinking about the question you just raised. Its interesting that you brought that up, and that is: where does the legal liability rest today? So if you have these bots hacking into Australian websites, or you have them hacking into Hugging Face, clearly that is the responsibility of these models because that`s not being done at the behest of one of their customers.

但如果你开发了一个用于黑客攻击的工具,或者一个可以用于黑客攻击的工具,而你的某个客户或用户用它那样做了,你该承担多少责任?这是否类似于一个卖枪的人,然后枪支卖家说:“嗯,我不负责他们如何使用它”?还是像卖一种有缺陷的武器,由于制造缺陷导致伤害的那种情况?还是像卖枪给不符合购买年龄的孩子,或者卖给犯人,或者没有尽到应尽的职责?

But lets say you build a tool for the purpose of hacking, or that can be used for hacking, and one of your clients, one of your users, uses that tool that way. How much of that is your responsibility? Is it analogous to somebody who sells a gun and then the gun seller says, “Well, its not my responsibility for how they go out and use it”? Or is it someone who sells a weapon that is flawed and causes injury because of a flaw in the manufacture of the weapon? Or is it selling a weapon to a kid who`s not eligible to buy it, or to a convict, or not using due diligence?

那么AI的责任是什么?如果公司开发的产品其普通用途可以用来实施勒索软件攻击,那么公司在产品的复杂性方面应承担什么责任?

What is AI responsibility? What is the companys responsibility in the sophistication of the products if theyre building things that the plain use can be to commit ransomware attacks?

我认为枪支的比喻还是不错的。它容易被人抓住,出于各种各样的原因,但我倾向于认为它有点掩盖了该模型能力的现实。所以OpenAI的最新模型Mythos既可以用于进攻性网络攻击,也可以用于防复。我们报道的网络安全公司也想要它。他们的论点是:“我们实际上需要把人从循环中移除,这样我们的网络防御才能尽可能快速、灵敏地应对来袭的AI驱动型网络攻击。如果我们坚持把人放在循环中,那么我们会变慢,而攻击者不会有我们相同的道德约束或伦理顾虑,我们就会输。”

I think that the gun metaphor is a good one. Its easy to grab onto for a variety of reasons, but I tend to think that it kind of obscures the reality of the capabilities of the model. So OpenAIs latest model, Mythos, can be used for offensive cyberattacks, and it can be used on defense too. And the cybersecurity firms that we cover, they want it. Their argument is, “We actually need to take humans out of the loop so that our cyber defenses can be as responsive and fast to incoming AI-powered cyberattacks. And if we insistently put humans in the loop, then we will be slow, and the attackers wont have the same morals or ethical qualms we do, and well lose.”

这其实就是在回避一个问题:该模型既可以用于进攻,也可以用于防御,在双方应该都能同样胜任。

And this is all just a dance around, well, the model in this case can be used on offense and on defense, and it should be equally capable on both sides.

我看不到一个监管框架,能够为任何一家前沿实验室提供足够的清晰度,让它们能够销售这个产品并且不担心:如果同样能力的防御模型被误用,他们不会承担责任。我认为这使得一些开发工作陷于僵局。再一次,从立法的角度来看,这些都是棘手的问题。如果你试着编写一项法案来提供一些澄清,它必然在边缘需要含糊其辞,因为技术发展太快了。这场辩论对你来说是怎样的?

I dont see a regulatory framework that provides clarity for any of the frontier labs to be able to sell that thing and not feel like, well, if the equally capable defensive model gets used in the wrong way, that they wont be liable. And I think thats frozen some of this development in its tracks. Im wondering, again, just from a legislative perspective, these are thorny questions. If you try to write a bill to provide some of this clarity, it will necessarily have to be vague on the margins because the technology is moving so fast. What is that debate like for you?

嗯,我认为这意味着随着AI的发展,这场辩论会继续演变,并且速度远远快于国会证明能够立法的速度。我喜欢说,在科技界,摩尔定律正在提高生产力,每18个月翻一番;而对于AI,可能每5个月翻四番。立法日程表更像是遵循墨菲定律的节奏。

Well, I think what it means is that this debate is going to keep evolving as AI evolves and at a speed that is really much faster than Congress has proven capable of legislating. I like to say that in the technology world, Moores law is increasing productivity, doubling it every 18 months, and with AI, maybe thats quadrupling it every five months. The legislative calendar works more on a Murphy`s law timetable.

我认为这种差距在人工智能领域尤其明显。这意味着我们将需要一个拥有真正的自主权和专业知识的监管机构,它可以比国会更快速地行动。无论这是一个针对人工智能的FDA还是其他机构,我认为这最终将是必要的。这个机构将需要真正的权力和牙齿,以及真正的专业知识。这将是一个挑战,就像这些独立监督员一样:如果那里有一个政府部分,我们如何负担得起?

And I think that disparity is even more pronounced in the area of AI. What I think that translates into is that were going to need a regulatory body that has real discretion and real expertise that can move a lot quicker than Congress can. Whether that looks like an FDA for artificial intelligence or some other agency, I think thats ultimately going to be necessary. That agencys going to have to have real power and teeth and real expertise. Its going to be a challenge, as with these independent monitors: if there`s a government component there, how do we afford that?

因为有如此多的人才,这些人才可以在私营部门获得更高的薪水。但我确实认为我们将需要一个监管机构,除了任何总体的法定框架之外。

Because theres so much talent, and that talent can draw much bigger salaries in the private sector. But I do think were going to need a regulatory body in addition to whatever the overarching statutory framework is.

好吧,除了是一个糟糕的律师之外,我也是一个非常糟糕的法学生,主要是喝米勒啤酒,但这没关系,因为在2003年法学院教给我的所有基础性先例都已被这一最高法院推翻。而在这个背景下最重要的是车尔顿尊重。在,其中法院说我们不再需要遵从机构的专家意见;去吧,企业利益,将每项 regulations 都卷入诉讼,然后我们将决定。罗伯茨法院将决定这些是否是适当的 regulations。

Well, in addition to being a bad lawyer, I was a very bad law student, mostly majored in Miller Lite, but its fine because every foundational precedent that I was taught in law school in 2003 has been overturned by this Supreme Court. And the most important one in this context is Chevron deference. In , the Court said we no longer have to defer to the experts at agencies; go ahead, corporate interests, tie every regulation up in litigation, and then well decide. The Roberts Court will decide if these are appropriate regulations.

这让我觉得,建立一个监管机构来监督人工智能的想法存在一个巨大的问题。因为你想要的其实是在那个机构里有一群专家,在边缘情况下做出决策,比如说:“好吧,国会通过了一项宽泛的授权法,说‘制定所有必要的规定来保障我们的安全。’”然后你就会在这个机构内部制定一系列规定,直到去年——不对,直到2024年——这就是它的运作方式。

This strikes me as a huge problem for the idea that we will set up a regulatory body to oversee AI. Because what youd want is a bunch of experts in that agency making decisions on the margin, saying, “Okay, heres a vague enabling statute that Congress passed that said, ‘Pass all appropriate regulations to keep us safe.'”And then you would write a bunch of regulations inside the agency, and until last year — no, Im sorry, until 2024 — thats how it would work.

但这已经改变了。如果你以这种方式赋予一个机构权力,OpenAI就可以出现并说:“那是不合适的。我们其实并不认为那是正确的。”然后他们就会把它拖入诉讼,拖个没完没了。要想克服这一点,你又该如何建立一个监管机构呢?

Thats gone. If you enable an agency in that way, OpenAI can show up and say, “Thats inappropriate. We actually dont think thats right.”And they would tie it up in litigation forever. How do you get over that if you want to set up a regulatory body?

正如你提到的,这确实非常困难。如今的 supreme court 很多事情都做得不错。它现在已经是一个充满党派色的机构。从我的观点看,它是一个右翼的社会机构,但有一个共同点贯穿着它的判决。这个共同点并不总是支持特朗普的。这个共同点就是金钱。这个法院会根据钱往哪里流做出判断。

Its very difficult for the reason you mentioned. The Supreme Court is a lot of things today. It is now a partisan institution. It is, in my view, a right-wing social institution, but theres one common denominator that runs through its decisions. That common denominator is not always pro-Trump. The common denominator is money. That court makes the decision where the money is.

所以当涉及到,比如说关税决定时,它会对抗总统,因为关稭会影响金钱。它会允许总统解除各机构的独立负责人,除了可能联邦储备局,因为那里就是金钱的所在。所以你说得对,他们首先是公司主义者,他们非常乐意从国会那里夺走监管权,从监管机构那里夺走权力。这确实意味着,我们在这个领域制定立法时,需要赋予这些机构权力,尽可能具体地制定,尽可能强化这些机构的权力,尽可能多地授权,同时清楚地认识到, supreme court 会推翻任何只要对金钱利益有利就会打击的模棱两可的规定。

So when it involves, for example, tariff decisions, it will rule against the president because tariffs impact the money. It will allow the president to remove independent heads of agencies, except maybe the Federal Reserve, because thats where the money is. And so youre right, they are corporatists first and foremost, and they`re more than content to take power away from Congress to regulate and away from regulatory bodies. It does mean that we are going to have to draft legislation in this area empowering the agency and making it as specific as we can, make these agencies as powerful as we can, delegate as well as we can, knowing that the Supreme Court will strike down anything that is in any way ambiguous if it suits the money interests.

有很多关于人工智能和隐私的政治重新调整,我想简单谈谈。这感觉像是一种更广泛的反对人工智能公司的情绩,可能会转化为编写一项实际的立法并通过它。我们在左派和右派都看到了这一点。在数据中心面临的反弹中也能看到这一点。这是一个发生在左派和右派之间的故事。

Theres a lot of political realignment happening around AI and with privacy, which I want to talk about in a little bit. It feels like theres more across-the-board antipathy towards AI companies that might be harnessed into writing an actual piece of legislation and getting it passed. We see it on the right and the left. You see it in the backlash to data centers. This is a story that is happening on the right and the left.

我们有个关于犹他州数据中心的重大报道:凯文·奥莱里因为称所有批评他的人都是中国特工而陷入麻烦,他不得道歉,因为犹他州的人民不是中国特工。这对我来说不像是左右分化。对你来说感觉如何?你认为这能否从整个政治光谱中转化为有意义的政策成果?

We have a big story about the Utah data center: Kevin OLeary got himself in trouble for calling all of his detractors Chinese agents, and he had to issue an apology because the people of Utah are not Chinese agents. That doesnt feel like a left-right breakdown to me. How does that feel to you? Is this something that you can actually channel from across the spectrum into a meaningful policy outcome?

我不认为这是个党派问题。当然,总统完全支持人工智能,没有限制,没有障碍,没有节制,什么都没有。这里有一些共和党同僚追随这一议程。还有一些人从他们的选民那里听到反馈,他们不希望在自家后院建数据中心,或者担心人工智能会让他们失业,或者影响他们的生活。我认为我们正在看到一种联盟,左派的 populists 和右派的 populists在一起,最初是围绕工作和失业问题,以及这对工人家庭的意义。

I dont think this is a partisan issue. I mean, its certainly true that the president is all in for AI, no restrictions, no impediments, no pacing, no nothing. And there are some of my Republican colleagues here that are going along with that agenda. There are others that are hearing from their constituents who dont want a data center in their backyard or are concerned theyre going to lose their job as a result of AI or their life as a result of AI. And I think we are seeing the kind of coalition where you have populists on the left and populists on the right coming together, initially around concerns over jobs and job losses, and what it will mean for working families.

但现在,在更广泛的问题上,数据中心是人们表达对他们的社区、工作、技术以及所有不确定性的担忧的最有形的方式。

But now, across a broader set of issues, the data centers are the most tangible way for people to express their concerns about their neighborhood, but also about their job, about the technology, and about the uncertainty of it all.

我认为最初的担忧——我仍然认为这是主要的担忧——是关于就业影响和工作性质的问题。但最近更为突出的是对失控人工智能的担忧及其带来的危险。未来一个两个月后,这些担忧会变成什么样子?我不知道,但我确实认为这些担忧不会消失。正如人工智能相关的法案——我已经提出了几个,还有其他人的法案——所表明的那样,这些法案大多是两党合作的。

And I think the initial concern, and I still think its quite a dominant concern, is over the impact on jobs and the nature of work. But what has reached the fore more recently is concern about runaway AI and the danger it poses. What will the concern look like a month or two months from now? I dont know, but I do think its not going away. And as the AI bills — and Ive introduced several — indicate, not just mine, but others, most of those bills are bipartisan.

有些关于数据中心的法案主要是民主党提出的。我的数据中心法案将要求它们承担这些成本,以便消费者不必承担。它不是自愿的,我们承诺,我们可能会,我们希望的;只要不要提供任何会迫使我们承担这些成本的东西。这些法案大多是民主党的。共和党人基本上遵循总统的立场,即不提出任何真正的要求。他们希望通过一些徒具其表的法案,但不是实质性的法案。

Some around the data centers are predominantly democratic bills. My bill on the data centers would force them to pay the costs so that consumers dont have to. Its not the voluntary, we pledge, we might, wed like to; just dont provide anything that will force us to observe those costs. Those are mostly democratic bills. Republicans have largely adhered to the president`s line about not posing any real imposition. They want to pass fig-leaf kind of stuff, but not real stuff.

但我认为,随着越来越多的人从他们的选民那里听到反馈,在立法这个领域会出现两党合作的兴趣。

But I think increasingly, as people hear from their constituents, there`ll be bipartisan interest in legislating this area.

你在反垄断委员会。我们在人工智能领域看到的结构性调整中,有一点相当令人惊讶,那就是认为应该给予这些公司一个反垄断豁免,以便他们能够在网络安全方面进行协调。拜登政府的FTC主席Lina Khan说:“你不需要反垄断豁免。”我们刚刚请来了Jonathan Kanter参加节目,他曾在拜登政府的DOJ担任反垄断官。他也说:“你不需要为此获得反垄断豁免。”

Youre on the antitrust committee. One of the more surprising bits of the structural realignment that we see around AI is the notion that there should be an antitrust exemption so these companies can coordinate on cybersecurity. Lina Khan, who is Bidens FTC chair, said, “You dont need an antitrust exemption.”We just had Jonathan Kanter on the show, who ran antitrust at the DOJ under Biden. He was like, “You dont need an antitrust exemption for this.”

但与此同时,你有David Sacks支持Lina Khan,这在拜登政府时期可是从来没有发生过的事。你有很多所谓的小型科技玩家在科技右翼阵营中表示:“不,不,不,这就是你们要组成卡特尔的方式。我们不喜欢Google和Apple的卡特尔,它阻碍了我们很多投资的进行。他们必须在市场上竞争。”这对我来说是令人惊讶的。

But at the same time, you have David Sacks agreeing with Lina Khan, which is not a thing that happened during the Biden administration. You have a lot of what you would call the little tech players in the tech right being like, “No, no, no, this is how youre going to make a cartel. And we didnt like the Google and Apple cartel that kept a lot of our investments from going. They have to compete in the marketplace.”

你很少看到David Sacks和Lina Khan在某个问题上站在同一边。你在反垄断委员会。你认为这些公司需要反垄断豁免吗?

Thats surprising to me. You dont often see David Sacks and Lina Khan on the same side of an issue. You`re on the antitrust committee. Do you think the companies need an antitrust exemption?

我认为一个非常狭窄的反垄断豁免可能会在应对外国的提炼工作方面非常有帮助。我们希望公司能够相互交流,以应对针对多家公司的大规模提炭行动。大约十年前,我参与帮助通过网络信息共享立法,以允许公司在遭受黑客攻击时相互交流,以便他们可以互相提醒并告知政府他们正在使用的恶意软件,从而帮助集体防御。

I think a very narrow antitrust exemption could be very helpful in addressing foreign distillation efforts. We would want companies to be able to talk to each other to address a mass distillation effort targeting multiple companies. I was involved in helping to pass cyber information-sharing legislation about a decade ago to allow companies to talk to each other if they were the victim of a hacking attempt so that they could alert one another and alert the government as to what malware they were using so that we could help the collective defense.

我也不希望在合法的安全原因下阻止公司之间的合作。但我也不希望这些措施被用来通过形成小集团、反竞争小集团来抬高价格。因此,你们需要建立一些保障措施,但我不希望对责任的合理担忧阻止这些公司做他们应该做的事情,其中一些涉及彼此之间的合作。

And I also dont want to discourage companies from pacing with each other if its for legitimate security reasons. Now, I dont want any of this used to jack up prices by essentially forming a cabal, an anti-competitive cabal. So youve got to have safeguards in place, but I don`t want legitimate concerns about liability to stop these companies from doing what they should be doing, and some of that will be with each other.

另一个让我非常着迷的调整是关于隐私的,特别是Flock摄像头、Axon摄像头;人们讨厌它们。他们讨厌它们到这种程度,正在将它们赶出他们的社区。我们一直试图邀请Flock的CEO上节目。我想他的公司可能正处于危机之中。我们将看看是否能将他请来谈论他在面对两党联合的强烈反对时,他的业务实际上发生了什么。

The other realignment that Im utterly fascinated by is around privacy and specifically Flock cameras, Axon cameras; people hate them. They hate them so much theyre kicking them out of their communities. Weve been trying to get the CEO of Flock on the show. I think his companys in a little bit of a crisis. Well see if we can reel him in to talk about whats actually happening to his business as he faces bipartisan backlash.

我认为美国人正在重新定义隐私的含义。众所周知,在公共场所是没有隐私期望的。这在我们的法律中一直是基础性的,这是因为以前不是每个人都随时佩戴摄像头。他们当然没有眼镜上的摄像头。他们没有能够记录他们一整天参加的每一个会议摘要的手表。而且政府也没有在各处安装摄像头,能够追踪你在每个你曾经去过的州的所有行踪,并由人工智能支持的巨大数据库,让警察可以轻松搜索。

I think Americans are redefining what privacy means. Famously, there is no expectation of privacy in public. This has been foundational in our law, and thats because not everybody had an always-on camera. They certainly didnt have cameras in their glasses. They didnt have watches that could record summaries of every meeting theyve been in all day. And the state wasnt putting up cameras everywhere that could track all of your movements across every state youve ever been in, with a giant database that was enabled by AI so the police could search it easily.

这确实是个引人深思的现象,但在我看来,这反映出美国民众正在努力主张自己在公共场合的隐私权。他们希望在公共场合也能享有某种隐私权,而目前我们的法律尚未对此作出规定。也就是说,社会的发展已经走在了法律的前面。该如何解决这一矛盾呢?又该如何制定相关法律,让民众在公共场合也能享有一定程度的隐私保护呢?

Thats a big swirl, but to me it feels like theres an assertion of a privacy right in public by the American people. They want to have some kind of privacy in public that does not exist in our law. So society is moving ahead of the law. How would you square that? How would you be able to write a piece of legislation that affords people some sense of privacy in public?

我认为Flock摄像头实在令人不安。诚然,这类摄像头在执法方面有其合理用途,也确实帮助警方抓获了不少犯下严重罪行的人。但与此同时,警方也能借助这些摄像头通过车牌号来追踪特定人员。曾有人发表评论文章,批评某警察局滥用Flock摄像头。这类摄像头还曾被用来追踪那些需要接受生殖健康治疗的女性。它们被滥用于诸多非法目的,如今人们也逐渐意识到它们带来的种种问题以及由此造成的隐私流失。

I think the Flock cameras are really disturbing. And yes, there are legitimate law enforcement uses, and theyve helped catch people whove committed terrible crimes, but theyve also allowed a department to try to follow [people] through their license plate. Someone wrote an op-ed criticizing a police departments use of these Flock cameras. Theyve also been used to try to track a woman who needed reproductive healthcare. Theyve been used for a lot of illicit purposes, and I think people are waking up to all the problems that theyre creating and all the privacy thats vanishing.

说到这里,虽然我对人工智能领域存在诸多担忧,但有一点确实是其最核心的风险与隐患:在人工智能高度发达的今天,隐私还能否得到保障?我们之前也提到过,开源模型既可用于防御也可用于攻击,还能实现实时响应。随着这些模型性能不断提升,即便是闭源模型也同样如此,人们便可利用它们来侵犯他人隐私。

Here, and I say this somewhat hesitantly because theres a lot to be worried about with AI, but this is a cardinal concern and risk with AI, and that is: can privacy exist in the era of powerful AI? We talked a bit earlier about open models being available for defense as well as offense, and to be able to respond in real time. As those models get more powerful, and even the closed models get more powerful, you can train those models to invade peoples privacy.

可以训练这些模型去获取某人的健康记录、观看过的电视节目信息;甚至可以操控其手表或Alexa设备上的麦克风在关闭状态下依然运行,从而收集关于该人的所有数据。这实在令人不寒而栗。

You can train those models to find out what your health records are and what you watch on TV. You can train those models to turn on the microphone on your watch or to turn on the microphone on your Alexa device when its turned off to aggregate all that data about you. Thats quite terrifying.

除非我们采取行动确保隐私,否则我们可能将不再拥有任何隐私。即便如此,外国恶意行为体仍将获取这些极其复杂的模型。他们会开发自己的模型,蒸馏我们的模型,采取各种手段获取这些技术,并成为私人卖家——也许不是美国的私人卖家,而是其他国家的私人卖家。我们已经在一些黑客技术的私人卖家身上看到了这一点,一些公司将窃听能力出价最高者。

We may have no privacy left unless we act to ensure that we have privacy. And even then, foreign bad actors will have access to these very sophisticated models. Theyll develop their own. Theyll distill ours. Theyll do all kinds of stuff so that they can have access to it, and theyll be private sellers, maybe not American private sellers, but other private sellers. We see this in some of the private sellers of these hacking technologies already, some of these companies that are providing eavesdropping capabilities to the highest bidders.

因此,我们必须想办法不仅禁止不当行为,还要加强对美国民众隐私的保护。我们如何利用技术来保护隐私?否则,隐私将所剩无几。

So were going to have to figure out how we not just prohibit conduct, but how we beef up the privacy of American people. How do we use technology to protect our privacy? Otherwise, therell be little of it left.

我之所以询问那些在我看来属于两党共识、甚至导致政治版图重组的议题,是因为距离大选仅剩一个月。根据民调显示,民主党有望赢得相当数量的席位,甚至直接控制参众两院。

The reason Im asking about what, to me, feels like bipartisan issues to the point that there is a realignment of our politics, is because were a month away from an election. It feels, based on the polling, that Democrats are going to win a healthy number of seats, if not outright take control of both houses of Congress.

如果真是这样,我们该有何预期?是大量的调查?是真正传唤 Flock 公司的 CEO 出席参议院听证会?他们几周前就没这么做。还是会掀起一波诉讼潮,最终堆积在特朗普总统的案头,却毫无结果?

What should we expect to see if that happens? Is it a bunch of investigations? Is it actually getting the CEO of Flock to show up to a Senate hearing? They didnt do that a couple of weeks ago. Or is it a flurry of litigation that lands on President Trumps desk that ultimately goes nowhere?

首先,你们将看到对这一领域的强力监督。我们将希望该行业的领导者到场,谈谈他们自己的代理人失控的所有事件,事情是如何发生的,采取了什么措施,以及他们正在做什么。我们将希望这些公司向国会保持透明。我们将希望在这一领域立法,这可能会与总统发生冲突,但这里有大量两党合作的成果。我认为,考虑到国家现状及其发展方向,总统要否决国会产出的两党合作成果将变得越来越困难。

Youre going to see vigorous oversight in this area to begin with. Were going to want the leaders of this industry to come in and talk about all of the times that their own agents have gotten away from them, how it happened, whats been done about it, and what theyre doing about it. Were going to want these companies to be transparent with Congress about it. Were going to want to legislate in this area, and that may come into conflict with the president, but theres a lot of bipartisan work product here. And I think that given where the country is and where its moving, it becomes increasingly difficult for this president to veto bipartisan work product coming out of the Congress.

这就是我的期望。这当然比我们现在的前景好得多。这将成为美国人民的核心优先事项。我们希望利用人工智能造福人类。我们希望用它来降低物品成本。这是我们的核心优先事项。人工智能在降低某些成本方面可能有用。我们也想保护劳动的尊严,但我们要确保这不会对美国人民构成威胁。

So that is my hope. Its certainly a far better prospect than we have today. This is going to be a very central priority for the American people. We want to harness AI for the good it can do. We want to use it to bring down the cost of things. Thats our central priority. And there are ways that AI might be useful in bringing down certain costs. We want to protect the dignity of work also, but we want to make sure that this doesn`t pose a threat to the American people.

你迄今已多次提到金钱在政治中的腐蚀作用。我想到的是,特朗普政府、总统及其家族在本届政府任内多次做了相当于加密货币诈骗的事情。第二次执政时,他们以我认为许多普通美国人难以接受的方式让自己致富。你曾担任第一次特朗普弹劾案的弹劾经理。你认为民主党人出面试图第三次弹劾他是否在战略上明智?

Youve brought up the corrupting role of money in politics several times so far. It occurs to me that the Trump administration, the president, and his family have done what amounts to crypto scams a bunch of times throughout this administration. The second time around, theyve enriched themselves in ways that I think a lot of ordinary Americans find to be beyond the pale. You served as impeachment manager for the first Trump impeachment. Do you think it`s strategically wise for the Democrats to show up and try to impeach him a third time over this?

我认为我们需要看看到时候我们控制两院时(但愿如此)的优先事项是什么,以及优先事项应该是什么。我会把兑现我们现在做出的承诺作为绝对首要任务,核心重点是:将降低民众成本作为最高优先级。因此,在监督方面,我认为这意味着进行监督,以确保本届政府的腐败不会增加美国人民的成本。让我举个例子,我能举出大约一百个。

I think well need to see what the priority is at the time we take control of both houses, knock on wood, and what the priority needs to be. And I would put the very top priority as fulfilling the promises that were making right now, which is to have a central focus: the highest priority on reducing costs for people. So, in the oversight area, what that means, I think, is doing oversight to make sure that the corruption of this administration isn`t raising costs on the American people. And let me give you one example. I could give you about a hundred.

我提到了梅拉尼娅的电影。我认为美国人民有权知道:亚马逊获得联邦合同,究竟是不是因为它拥有最好的云计算技术,也不是因为它提供了最有竞争力的价格,而是因为它向第一家庭支付了4000万美元?

I mentioned the Melania movie. I think the American people deserve to know: Is Amazon getting federal contracts now not because its the best technology for cloud computing, not because its offered the most competitive price, but because it paid off the First Family $40 million?

如果真是这样,我们就要为这笔额外费用买单。我们要为一个可能并不更好的产品买单。我不是说这已经发生了,但他们不会对此进行任何监督。他们从并购到政府合同再到特赦的一切决定,都受到他们大把捞钱的影响。所以我认为,从监督的角度来看,我们需要专注于能帮助打击推高成本的腐败的监督工作。至于弹劾,我想我们到时候再过那座桥吧。

If they are, were paying for that excess. Were paying for a product that may not be as good. Im not saying that this has happened, but theyre not going to do any oversight of it. Their decisions on everything from mergers to government contracts to pardons are influenced by the money theyre getting hand over fist. So we, I think, from an oversight point of view, need to focus on oversight that can help attack corruption thats driving up costs. In terms of impeachment, I think we`ll have to cross that bridge when we get to it.

我很高兴你提到了娱乐行业,因为我确实想最后谈谈派拉蒙和华纳兄弟的合并案,这桩交易正发生在你的家乡加利福尼亚州。感觉这桩合并很大程度上是埃利森家族为了获得有利的监管待遇,而专门就CBS新闻和CNN的新闻报道做出承诺。我们可以看到CBS已经软化了立场。市场拒绝了CBS对该政府软化的立场。所以至少还有一种制约力量,但加州总检察长邦塔并没有坚持到底,试图阻止这桩合并。你认为这是正确的决定吗?

Im glad you brought up the entertainment industry, because I do want to end by talking about Paramount and Warner Brothers, which is a merger happening in your home state of California. It feels like a lot of that merger was the Ellison family in particular making promises about the news coverage of CBS News and CNN in order to get favorable regulatory treatment. We can see that CBS has softened its stance. The market has rejected CBSs softened stance towards this administration. So theres at least one check on that power, but California Attorney General Rob Bonta didnt push all the way to the finish line to try to prevent that merger from happening. Do you think that was the right decision?

我坦白说仍在审视达成的这项协议,我有很多担忧。你提到的那个是一个非常重大的担忧,那就是应该有一个编辑独立委员会来监督CBS和CNN,然而派拉蒙公司,或者说合并后的公司,由埃利森家族任命的董事会将决定该委员会的组成和构成。那么这究竟是真实的,还是将沦为虚构?

Im still frankly looking at the deal that was struck, and I have a lot of concerns about it. The one that you mentioned is a very significant concern, and that is that there was some editorial independence board thats supposed to oversee CBS and CNN, and yet the Paramount company, or the merged company, the board appointed by the Ellisons, will agree on what that board is and how it`s constituted. So is this real, or is this going to be fiction?

坦白说,我也担心这对就业意味着什么。我住在伯班克,这里是世界娱乐之都,代表了加州该行业的很大一部分。我们在过去的合并中看到的是成千上万的裁员。所以这对我来说是个特别的担忧。我热爱这个行业,热爱电影和电视,这是我真正深切关心的事情。我目前正在推动一项法案,对整个行业都很重要,那就是影视税收抵免,试图把制作带回美国。

Im also concerned, frankly, about what its going to mean for jobs. I live in Burbank. Its the entertainment capital of the world, and represents so much of that industry in California. And what we have seen in past mergers is thousands and thousands of layoffs. So that is a particular concern for me. I love this industry. I love movies and television. Its something I really deeply care about. I`m carrying a bill right now, important to the whole industry, and that is a film and television tax credit to try to bring production back to the United States.

从未有过比现在更难在该行业工作的时候,但我确实持续担心编辑独立性,以及CBS付钱给总统的程度,我认为是因为他们有合并案在等待批准。ABC也付钱给总统。那些是给总统及其心头好的个人款项,结果导致总统发起完全无理的诉讼,他们本会在法庭上赢的,我曾敦促他们不要和解,因为这会造成破坏性的第一修正案先例。

There`s never been a more difficult time to work in that industry, but I do have continuing concerns about editorial independence and also the degree to which CBS paid off the president, I think, because they had mergers pending. And ABC paid off the president. Those were personal sums to the president and his pet causes, with the result of completely frivolous litigation by the president that they would have won in court, which I urged them not to settle because of the destructive First Amendment precedent.

特朗普任命的FCC主席因为不喜欢吉米·金梅尔讲的笑话而攻击ABC,或者因为不喜欢斯蒂芬·科尔伯特讲的笑话而让他在CBS丢了工作——这种事是第三世界独裁者干的。这不是我们在美国习惯看到的,我绝不想在这里看到这种事。

The idea that the Trump-appointed FCC chairman attacks ABC because they dont like the jokes that Jimmy Kimmel tells, or cost Stephen Colbert his job on CBS because they didnt like the jokes hes telling — thats third-world dictator kind of stuff. That`s not what we are used to seeing in the US, and I never want to see it here.

就业问题对我来说真的很有意思。《The Verge》长期以来的一个观点是,美国可行的反垄断政策就是简单地禁止公司收购时代华纳,因为这从未奏效,将来可能也永远不会奏效,我们应该只通过一条法律。就是别干那事,也许一切都会好起来。

The jobs piece is really interesting to me. One of the longest-running tropes at The Verge is that a workable antitrust policy for the United States would be simply to forbid companies from buying Time Warner because it has never worked and it may never work again, and that we should just pass one law. Just don`t do that, and maybe everything will be fine.

派拉蒙大肆造势。他们扬言如果不获准推进这项合并,就要离开加利福尼亚。他们假装考察纳什维尔、德克萨斯以及其他所有常被考察的地方,随后合并获批,或者诉讼撤销,接着我认为大卫·埃里森发表了一份声明,说“加州是我们的家。我们将继续投资于此”,最终看起来非常虚假。你认为搬离威胁吓到加文·纽森了吗?吓到罗布·邦塔了吗?

Paramount made a bunch of noise. They fulminated about leaving California if they werent allowed to pursue this merger. They pretended to investigate Nashville and Texas and all the other places that you investigate, and then the merger was approved, or the litigation dropped, and I think David Ellison put out a statement like, “California is our home. Were going to invest here,” and it seemed very fake in the end. Do you think that threat to leave spooked Gavin Newsom, spooked Rob Bonta?

我认为搬离加州的威胁让很多人感到担忧,我相信这确实让他们担忧。这是真正的威胁吗?我不知道。我们看到一些企业总部搬迁,实际上只是搬了办公室,但不一定搬走制片厂或片场,因为出于很多其他原因,这对他们来说既困难又昂贵。但坦白说,光是这个想法我就觉得令人反感:“如果我们得不到想要的合并批准,我们就收拾包袱离开这个州。”如果你随时准备这么做,这根本说明不了对员工队伍的承诺。所以这些论点,我真的觉得令人反感:那种“如果我们得不到想要的就走人”的说法。

I think the threat to leave California concerned a lot of people, and Im sure it concerned them. Was it a real threat? I dont know. Weve seen some of these corporate headquarters moves mean that they move basically their office, but they dont necessarily move the studios or the lots, which would be difficult and expensive for them to do for a whole lot of other reasons. But just the idea, frankly, I found offensive: “If we dont get approval of the merger we want, were going to pick up, and were going to leave the state.”It doesnt say much about a commitment to the workforce if youre ready to do that at the drop of a hat. So those arguments, really, I found offensive: the claim, “Were going to leave if we don`t get what we want.”

我要说的是:这个行业经历了极其艰难的时期。员工队伍也经历了极其艰难的时期。疫情、罢工、流媒体公司的整合,以及现在的合并潮,让在这个行业工作从未像现在这样困难。我指的不是汤姆·克鲁斯级别的大明星。我指的是木匠、布景设计师、服装人员、干洗店、餐饮供应商,以及那些在洛杉矶或其他地方拍摄影视作品时生意兴隆、一旦停拍就遭受重创的小餐馆和小企业。

I will say this: the industrys been through a hell of a time. The workforce has been through a hell of a time. Between the pandemic, the strikes, the consolidation among the streaming companies, and now the mergers, theres never been a more difficult time to work in the industry. And Im not talking about the Tom Cruise-level celebrities. Im talking about the carpenters and the set designers, the wardrobe people, the dry cleaners, the caterers, the small restaurants and small businesses that thrive when youre making a film or TV show in LA or somewhere else, that just take a huge hit when theyre not filming.

这些才是我关心的人。我们确实需要稳定,所以这件事必须解决。我们需要稳定。如果我们希望这个行业再次繁荣,还需要匹配其他国家提供的激励措施。

Those are the people that I care about. And we do need stability, so this needs to be resolved. We need stability. We also need to match the incentives other countries are giving if we want this industry to thrive again.

让我把话题拉回到人工智能上。我们一开始谈到,AI公司在没有任何报酬的情况下吞噬了所有这些创意成果,这才让模型变得如此优秀。现在模型已经擅长电影制作了。我承认我看过几部TikTok上的AI微短剧,主要是无意刷到的,但它们足够吸引人,让我留下来看完。然后,作为主编,我试图指派记者去写AI微短剧。

Let me bring this full circle to AI. We talked at the very beginning about the AI companies just ingesting all of this creative output without any payment, and that has enabled the models to be as good as they are. The models are now good at film production. I will admit to having watched several AI microdramas on TikTok, mostly by accident, but they were compelling enough that I stayed. And then, as editor-in-chief, I try to assign our reporters to write about AI microdramas.

他们不喜欢这个选题,但这事还是发生了。这在输入端扼杀了他们。我们不为训练素材付费。而现在我们要在市场上与一种成本低得多的产品竞争。在TikTok上制作AI垃圾微短剧,不需要木匠和小企业。你会如何串联这些点?能否让AI与现存的加州电影产业兼容?

They did not like this idea, but thats what happened. That is killing them at the input stage. Were not paying them for the training material. And now were competing in a marketplace with a vastly cheaper product. You dont need carpenters and small businesses to make AI slop microdramas on TikTok. How would you connect these dots? Can you make AI compatible with the film industry in California as it exists today?

你知道,很多问题归根结底都是同一件事:对劳动力的承诺。这对这些公司重要吗?这是一个更广泛的问题。我记得有位业内人士,一位业内工人,来找我抱怨《平价医疗法案》导致他失业。我说:“过来,我想跟你聊聊这个。”他来了,解释说他工作的制片厂,每年他们都要求加薪,却被告知无法大幅加薪,因为医疗成本上涨太快,给工资造成了下行压力。然后《平价医疗法案》通过了,接着他被裁员了。他以为是因为《平价医疗法案》。

You know, a lot of these things all come back to the same thing, and that is: what is the commitment to the workforce? Does that matter to these companies? This is a broader problem. I remember having somebody in the industry, a worker in the industry, come to visit me to basically complain about the Affordable Care Act and how it had cost him his job. And I said, “Come by, I want to talk to you about this.”And he came in, and he explained that the studio that he worked for, every year, they would ask for pay increases, and they were told they couldn`t give them more of a pay increase because healthcare costs were rising so fast and it was putting downward pressure on wages. And then the ACA passed, and then he got laid off.

我记得我当时告诉他:“说实话,我不觉得是《平价医疗法案》的问题。你说得对,医疗成本确实在上涨,”而且涨得非常快。实际上,在《平价医疗法案》通过后,成本仍在上涨,但涨幅比法案通过前慢了。“我是这样认为的,你遇到的情况是这样的。”在他被裁员前后,其中一家制片厂遭遇了一场敌意收购要约。收购虽未成功,但作为收购目标的那家制片厂削减了所有本应在被收购后裁减的职位,以便在未来成为一个吸引力较低的收购目标。

And he assumed it was because of the ACA. I remember telling him, “Honestly, I dont think it was the ACA. Youre right about healthcare costs going up,” and they were going up very fast. Actually, after the ACA, they were still going up, but they were going up at a slower pace than they were before the ACA. “Here`s what I think happened to you.”And what had happened around the time he was laid off was that there was a hostile takeover bid mounted against one of the studios. It was unsuccessful, but the studio that was the target of that takeover shed all the jobs it would have shed had it been taken over, so it would be a less attractive takeover target in the future.

随后其他制片厂也纷纷裁员,尽管它们利润丰厚;它们裁员是因为不想被收购。于是行业里出现了连锁裁员,这些裁员本都不必要,因为这些公司都是盈利的,但这确实让季度报告、季度报告的价值、下一份股东报告好看了许多。

And then other studios shed jobs, even though they were very profitable; they shed jobs because they didn`t want to be taken over. And so there were these cascading sets of layoffs in the industry, none of which were necessary because they were profitable companies, but it did increase the quarterly report, the value of the quarterly report, the next shareholder report.

我们如何才能摆脱这种困境,即唯一的考量是股东报告,而员工根本不重要?除非员工开始对这些公司变得重要,否则它们会利用一切手段在不雇佣人的情况下制作电影。我认为,这是我们经济面临的一个更广泛的挑战。我们看到德国等国做得更好。它们让员工代表进入董事会,因此会将对自身劳动力的影响纳入考量。你提到的前任联邦贸易委员会主席,她致力于在竞争性和反竞争性因素中审视对劳动力的影响。我认为我们也应该这样做,但这是一个持续的挑战。

How do we get out of the bind where the only consideration is the shareholder report and the employees simply don`t matter? Unless the employees start to matter to these companies, then yeah, they will use every device they can to make films without having to use human beings. And this is, I think, a broader challenge in our economy. We see other countries like Germany doing a better job. They have employee representatives on their board of directors, so they take into consideration the impact on their own workforce. You mentioned the prior FTC chair. She was committed to looking at factors in terms of competitiveness and anti-competitiveness, including the impact on the workforce. And I think we should, but this is a continuing challenge.

您本轮不参选连任,要到2030年才再次面临选举,所以距离实际竞选还有一段时间。我们看到左翼涌现出一批进步派候选人,提出对资本主义进行大刀阔斧的改革,对吧?阿卜杜勒·埃尔-赛义德曾说:“我是资本主义者,但我们需要监管资本主义,让它为人民服务。”我住在纽约,市长佐赫兰·马姆达尼也在这里,他想监管亚马逊送货卡车。

Youre not up for reelection in this cycle. Youre not up again until 2030, so you have a little bit of distance from the actual campaigning. Were seeing a bunch of progressive candidates on the left propose muscular reforms to capitalism, right? Abdul El-Sayed has said, “Im a capitalist, but we need to regulate capitalism so it works for people.”I live in New York. Mayor [Zohran] Mamdani is here. He wants to regulate Amazon delivery trucks.

左翼有很多这种势头。您认为如果民主党夺回国会控制权,能在有意义的时间框架内将其转化为成果吗?还是说还需要拿下总统职位?

Theres a lot of that energy on the left. Do you think if the Democrats retake Congress, well see that turned into results on any meaningful time frame, or do you need the presidency too?

我认为我们应该尝试以两党合作的方式推动立法通过,因为这是在国会通过法案的唯一途径,尤其是在不掌控白宫的情况下。但我也认为我们需要提出重大的民主党优先议程,这些议程能否通过参议院取决于我们是否翻盘参议院以及我们的优势幅度;它们可能会被总统否决,但这能向全国展示:如果你们两年后把总统职位交给我们,我们准备通过这种大胆改革。

I think what we should do is try to get legislation passed on a bipartisan basis because thats the only way you can get bills through Congress, particularly if you dont control the White House. But I also think we need to take up big Democratic priorities that may get through the Senate or may not, depending on whether we flip the Senate and what our margin is; they may get vetoed by the president, but show the country that this is the kind of bold reform that we are prepared to pass if you give us the presidency two years later.

单纯说“嘿,选我们上台,我们会把你们带回特朗普上台前的现状”是绝对行不通的。不,特朗普上台的原因正是人们对现状深感不满。所以我们需要宏大、大胆的构想。我支持“全民医保”。我主张让所有想参加医保的人都能参加。我不认为应该强迫想留在私人计划中的人加入医保,但我们应该扩大医保覆盖面,让更多人能享用。这是一个非常高效的医疗体系。这不同于单纯说“我们将恢复《平价医疗法案》下的保费税收抵免”。是的,我们也应该这么做,但光靠这一点远远不够。

And it is simply not going to be acceptable to anyone to say, “Hey, if you elect us, well take you back to the status quo before Trump came along.”No, the reason Trump came along is people were deeply unsatisfied with the status quo. So we need big, bold ideas. I favor Medicare for All. Ill let anyone who wants to participate in Medicare participate in Medicare. I dont think we should force people into Medicare if they want to stay in a private plan, but I think we ought to broaden Medicare and make it accessible to people. Its a very efficient healthcare system. And that is different than simply saying, “Were going to restore premium tax credits under the ACA.”Yeah, we should do that too, but that alone isnt going to cut it.

所以我希望我们能着眼长远。我还想说一点。之所以我们在特朗普和拜登之间反复摇摆,是因为人们对自己辛苦工作却收获甚微感到极度不满。经济运行机制对普通民众根本不起作用。问题不在于他们失业了,而在于他们有工作却依然入不敷出。除非我们解决这个问题,我们的民主根基就不会稳固。局势将永远有利于任何出现的煽动家,他们许诺只有自己能解决问题。我们必须确保在这个国家,只要努力工作,就能让自己和家人过上体面的生活。

So I hope were going to think big. And Ill say this too. The reason why we keep going back and forth between a Trump and a Biden is that people are so unsatisfied with how hard theyre working and how little they have to show for it. The economys just not working for people. Its not that theyre out of work. The problem is that they are working and they still cant make ends meet. And until we address that, our democracy is not going to be on solid ground. Its going to always be ripe for any demagogue who comes along promising they alone can fix it. We have to make sure that if you`re working hard in this country, you can provide for yourself a good living and for your family.

最后一个问题,这与刚才的话题直接相关。我多次说过,我认为我们正处于一场代际政治重组之中。这也是我提出许多问题的基础。你同意我们正处于一场根本性的政治重组中期吗?

Last question, and its directly related to that. Ive said several times now that I think were in a generational political realignment. Its been the foundation of many of the questions Ive asked. Do you agree that were in the middle of a foundational political realignment?

我认为,这种情况已经持续了一段时间。我不确定这种重组将走向何方,但我可以告诉你我希望它往哪个方向发展。我们民主党毫无疑问是工薪阶层和普通家庭的政党。我们是弱势群体的政党,但我认为在公众认知中,我们已经失去了一些这种形象。我们的政策依然非常坚定地朝这个方向推进,但越来越多的人只会觉得,“两党都腐败,没有哪个党真正为我着想。”

We, I think, have been for some time. Im not sure where the alignment goes from here, but Ill tell you where Id like it to go from here. We, in the Democratic Party, were unquestionably the party of working people and average families. Were the party of the underdog, and I think weve lost some of that in the public perception. Our policies are still very much driven that way, but increasingly people just think, “Both parties are corrupt. Neither party`s really looking out for me.”

我希望民主党能再次成为公众仰望并说出“好吧,他们在为我而战。他们不是为那些已经大获全胜的人而战。他们在为我而战”的政党。这也是我当初投身民主党的原因。

I want the Democratic Party to once again be the party that the public looks to and says, “Okay, theyre fighting for me. Theyre not fighting for those whove already done great. Theyre fighting for me.”That`s why I was drawn to the Democratic Party.

我也认为,这与我们刚才的整个对话息息相关,财富如今高度集中在极少数人手中,以至于彻底扭曲了我们的政治体制。财富自我延续,并进一步扭曲我们的体制。有人将其视为一种庆祝:我们迎来了首位万亿富翁。好吧,这位首位万亿富翁埃隆·马斯克之所以成为万亿富翁,是因为政府的慷慨资助,是因为政府合同在他的公司陷入困境时挽救了他。那里毫无道德可言,也没有回馈社会的情怀。不,他只乐于用“政府效率部”(DOGE)来对待那些成就他成功的人。

And I also think, and this is related to the whole conversation we`ve had, wealth is now concentrated so much in so few hands that it is totally warping our political system. Wealth is perpetuating itself and warping our system even further. Some people took it as a celebration: we have our first trillionaire. Well, that first trillionaire, Elon Musk, became a trillionaire because of government largesse, because of government contracts that saved his bacon when his companies were in trouble. And there is no ethics, no sentiment about giving back there. No, he was only happy to DOGE the people who made his success possible.

但促成这一切的、即财富如此聚敛的原因,是一个毫无累进性可言、且变得越来越不具累进性的税收制度。我希望新一届国会、也希望民主党肩负的使命之一是:我们如何才能再次拥有一个真正累进的税法?我们如何确保人工智能公司支付其应尽的份额,并为技术将带来的冲击买单?但我认为更重要的是,我们如何确保税法真正具有累进性,让那些过得好的人向体制多缴纳?我认为,这是根本所在。

But what made that possible too, that is the aggregation of all that wealth, is a tax system that`s not the least bit progressive anymore and is becoming less and less progressive. And one of the missions I hope for our new Congress, and I hope for the Democratic Party, is: how do we have a truly progressive tax code again? How do we make sure that, yes, the AI companies pay their fair share and they pay for some of the disruption that technology is going to cause? But I think even more important, how do we make sure the tax code is truly progressive and people who are doing well are going to pay well into the system? That, I think, is fundamental.

希夫参议员,这是一次很棒的对话。非常感谢您做客《Decoder》。很高兴能与您交流。谢谢您的邀请。

Senator Schiff, this has been a great conversation. Thank you so much for being on Decoder. Great to be with you. Thanks for having me on.