
参议员卡洛斯·吉列尔莫·史密斯(民主党人)最近警告全国,佛罗里达州的教育选择计划是一场“残局”——一项“几乎没有任何附加条件”的40亿美元权利计划。他断言无法知晓学生是否在学习,并声称州政府找不到数以万计的儿童。我负责监管这些项目,可以明确告诉你:这是谎言。那不是我所了解的佛罗里达,也不是数据所描绘的佛罗里达。
Sen. Carlos Guillermo Smith (D) recently warned the country that Florida’s education choice programs are a “wreckage” — a $4 billion entitlement with “almost no strings attached.”He asserted that there is no way to know whether students are learning, and that there are supposedly tens of thousands of children the state cannot find. I oversee those programs, and I can tell you this is false. That is not the Florida I know or the Florida the data describe.
没有任何一个州能像我们这样,为家庭提供如此多样的子女教育途径。在2024-2025学年——这是目前有数据的最近一个学年——近190万名学生,占佛州所有K-12年级学生的53%,使用了父母为他们选择的教育方案。这些方案包括学区磁校和职业学院、特许学校、私立学校、教育选择奖学金、家庭教育和虚拟学校。我预计2025-2026学年的数字将更高。
No state offers families more ways to educate their children than we do. During the 2024-2025 school year, the most recent year for which data are available, nearly 1.9 million students — 53 percent of all K-12 students in Florida — used an option their parents chose. Those include district magnet schools and career academies, charter schools, private schools, education choice scholarships, homeschooling and virtual school. I expect the number for the 2025-2026 academic year to be even higher than that.
家庭也在组合使用这些选项。去年,有超过15万名接受教育选择奖学金的学生,并未全日制就读于公立或私立学校。在佛罗里达,资金跟着学生走。根据家庭的实际需求提供服务,而非迎合官僚体系的偏好,这已被证明既受欢迎又行之有效。与史密斯的断言相反,佛罗里达采用多种指标来衡量学生成果。3至10年级的奖学金学生须参加考试,结果提交给独立研究机构,由其公开报告每所参与学校的学习增益或损失。
Families are also mixing those options. Last year, more than 150,000 students receiving an education choice scholarship were not enrolled full-time in a public or private school. In Florida, funding follows the student. Meeting families where they are, rather than where a bureaucracy prefers them to be, has proved both popular and successful. Contrary to what Smith asserts, Florida uses multiple metrics to gauge student success. Scholarship students in grades 3 through 10 are tested, and the results go to an independent research organization that publicly reports each participating school’s learning gains or losses.
学校须提交年度财务报告。所有接触学生的所有者、经营者和员工均须接受背景调查。欺诈行为将被调查并起诉。这才是问责制的样子,而非问责的缺失。当每个家庭都拥有选择权时,还有一种没有任何合规机制能比拟的制约:家长可以把资金带到别处。
Schools file annual financial reports. All owners, operators, and employees who encounter students undergo background checks. Fraud is investigated and prosecuted. That is what accountability looks like, not the absence of it. And when every family has a choice, there is a further check that no compliance regime can match: Parents can take the funds elsewhere.
史密斯最尖锐的指控是,该州“无法解释”3万名学生和2.7亿美元。他描述了每季度将奖学金获得者与公立学校入学名单相匹配的交叉检查。佛罗里达州禁止在公立学校全日制就读的学生也获得奖学金。但这种交叉检查是一种问责措施,而不是承认钱消失了。对2024-25年的审查发现,约30,000名名字出现在两份名单上的学生的奖学金资金被冻结,而教育部、奖学金资助组织和学区则解决了差异。
Smith’s sharpest charge is that the state “could not account for” 30,000 students and $270 million. He is describing the quarterly cross-check that matches scholarship recipients against public-school enrollment rolls. Florida prohibits a student enrolled full-time in a public school from also receiving scholarship funds. But that cross-check is an accountability measure, not a confession that money vanished. A review of the 2024–25 year found scholarship funds frozen for about 30,000 students whose names appeared on both lists while the Department of Education, scholarship funding organizations, and school districts resolved the discrepancies.
重要的是,没有钱丢失。此后,比赛的改进减少了被错误识别的学生数量,这意味着向家庭和学区及时付款以及更干净的计划。国会大厦已经不得不更正史密斯关于相关多付索赔的专栏。30,000名学生的数字值得同样的审查。重要的问题更简单:这些学生表现如何?城市研究所的一项研究发现,获得佛罗里达州税收抵免奖学金的学生就读四年制大学的可能性比公立学校同龄人高出43%,获得学士学位的可能性高出20%。
Importantly, no money went missing. Improvements to the match have since cut the number of students misidentified, which means timelier payments to families and districts and a cleaner program. The Hill has already had to correct Smith’s column on a related overpayment claim. The 30,000-student figure deserves the same scrutiny. The question that matters is simpler: How are these students doing? An Urban Institute study found that students who received the Florida Tax Credit Scholarship were up to 43 percent more likely than their public-school peers to attend a four-year college, and up to 20 percent more likely to earn a bachelor’s degree.
他们的大学入学率总体上也更高。研究人员将这些学生描述为“三重不利”--家庭收入低、之前就读于表现不佳的公立学校以及考试成绩低于同龄人。史密斯借鉴了路易斯安那州、俄亥俄州和印第安纳州其他项目的研究,试图将代金券学习损失与卡特里娜飓风进行比较。但无论它们的优点和缺点如何,这些其他州的计划都不是佛罗里达州的。
They also had higher college-going rates overall. The researchers described those students as “triply disadvantaged” — low family incomes, prior enrollment in low-performing public schools and weaker incoming test scores than their peers. Smith draws from studies of other programs in Louisiana, Ohio, and Indiana and attempts to draw a comparison of voucher learning-loss to Hurricane Katrina. But whatever their merits and drawbacks, those other states' programs are not Florida’s.
有些学校监管过度,资金不足,与私立学校学费相比,或者吸引学生进入没有准备好为他们服务的学校。
Some were overly regulated, poorly funded relative to private-school tuition or drew students into schools that were unprepared to serve them.
佛罗里达州的记录指向相反的方向——包括对于那些从未离开其公立学区的学生。随着公立学校面临来自私立学校选择的更多竞争,研究人员发现停课率和缺勤率降低,阅读和数学成绩提高,其中低收入学生的增幅最大。
Florida’s record points the opposite direction — including for students who never leave their public school districts. As public schools have faced more competition from private-school choice, researchers have found lower rates of suspension and absence and higher reading and math scores, with the largest gains coming among lower-income students.
批评者从一开始就预测学校选择会摧毁公立教育。但在实施学校选择25年后,佛罗里达州在数学和阅读、高中毕业率、加速课程和双重注册等指标上的全国排名均有所上升。
Critics have predicted since the beginning that school choice would destroy public education. But after 25 years of school choice, Florida has climbed the national ranks in math and reading, high-school graduation and accelerated course work and dual enrollment, among other measures.
学校选择不应为所有这些成功独揽全部功劳,但显然它并未阻碍我州学校跻身全国最优之列,也未造成任何形式的“残局”。
School choice does not deserve all the credit for all of these successes, but plainly it did not prevent the rise of our schools to be among the nation's best or cause any sort of "wreckage."
史密斯对学校选择的反对与其许多选民的利益截然背离。其选区内有超过10,000名学生获得奖学金,其中包括超过3,000名特殊需求学生。他们中近60%为非白人。
Smith’s opposition to school choice is flatly at odds with many of his own constituents' interests. More than 10,000 students in his district receive scholarships, including more than 3,000 with special needs. Nearly 60 percent of them are non-white.
联邦教育自由税收抵免将把这些选择权扩展到更多佛罗里达州家庭,包括那些孩子留在公立学校的家庭,并将在从未尝试过学校选择的州播下选择的种子。
The federal Education Freedom Tax Credit would extend these options to even more Florida families, including those whose children remain in public schools, and would seed choice in states that have never tried it.
未选择加入的州长正在拒绝可用于支付辅导、特殊需求服务和课后项目的资金。这实在是一种奇怪的“为家庭着想”方式。
Governors who have not opted in are turning down funds that can pay for tutoring, special-needs services, and after-school programs. That is a strange way to look out for families.
学校选择才是真正解放且成功的教育政策。佛罗里达州有四分之一世纪的成果来证明这一点。亨利·麦克是佛罗里达州教育专员。
School choice is the truly liberating and successful education policy. Florida has a quarter-century of results to prove it. Henry Mack is Florida’s Commissioner of Education.