
以色列一位最资深超正派拉比发表的言论引发该国争议。他提出,犹太人或许在没有国家的情况下过得更好。
Comments by one of Israel’s most senior ultra-Orthodox rabbis postulating that Jews may have been better off without a state have prompted controversy in the country.
周一,第12频道播出的画面显示,96岁的多夫·兰多(Dov Lando)拉比——“托拉旗帜”党(Degel HaTorah)的精神领袖——还表示,那些信奉“宗教犹太复国主义”并在以色列战争中阵亡的士兵,正是因为他们所接受的拉比教导而丧生。这些言论是在他位于伯尼布拉克(Bnei Brak)的家中一次闭门会议上发表的,距离以色列10月27日的议会选举仅剩三周,已引发政治风暴。
In footage broadcast by Channel 12 on Monday, the 96-year-old Rabbi Dov Lando, the spiritual leader of the Degel HaTorah party, also said that soldiers adhering to “Religious Zionism” killed in Israel’s wars were dying because of what their rabbis had taught them. The remarks, made at a closed meeting at his home in Bnei Brak, have set off a political storm three weeks before Israel’s October 27 parliamentary election.
兰多说:“他们之所以阵亡,是因为他们的拉比教导他们歪曲的《托拉》。”他还补充道,许多军事行动“并非为了拯救生命,而是为了国家的荣誉”。
“They are killed because their rabbis teach them a distorted Torah,” Lando said, adding that many military operations are carried out “not for saving lives, but for the honour of the state”.
兰多的这番言论,是回应关于一些超正派犹太男性对宗教犹太复国主义者的钦佩之情的提问。这些男性传统上拒绝服兵役,而宗教犹太复国主义者则将学习《托拉》与军事服务相结合。
Lando’s comment came in response to a question about admiration among some ultra-Orthodox Jewish men – who have traditionally refused the military draft – for religious Zionists who combine Torah study with military service.
他的言论并非新鲜事——最早于2025年2月发表。然而,本周这些言论再次出现,正值选举竞选期间,而超正派群体的兵役问题已成为以色列政治中最尖锐的分歧点之一。
His comments aren’t new – they were first published in February 2025. However, their reemergence this week comes amid an election campaign in which ultra-Orthodox military service has become one of the sharpest fault lines in Israeli politics.
2024年,以色列最高法院裁定,超正派神学院学生免除兵役并无法律依据。此后,政府未能通过恢复该豁免权的立法。这一问题已引发双方大规模抗议。
The Israeli Supreme Court ruled in 2024 that there was no legal basis for ultra-Orthodox seminary students to have exemptions from military service and the government has since not been able to pass legislation restoring the exemptions. The issue has led to large protests on both sides of the divide.
以色列事务研究员艾哈布·贾巴林(Ehab Jabareen)向半岛电视台表示:“问题不在于他说了什么,而在于为何在选举前三周,这种言论会被置于以色列辩论的核心。”“没有国家”或许更好兰多所在的政党是联合托拉犹太教(UTJ)联盟的两个派系之一。该联盟在2022年的上次选举中赢得了七个席位,并且在去年其部长们辞职之前,曾是以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡政府的一部分。
“The question is not what he said, but why this discourse has been placed at the heart of the Israeli debate three weeks before the election,” Ehab Jabareen, a researcher on Israeli affairs, told Al Jazeera. Better ‘without a state’Lando’s party is one of the two factions of the United Torah Judaism (UTJ) alliance, which won seven seats during the last election in 2022, and had been part of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government before its ministers resigned last year.
不过,该派系仍间歇性地支持联合政府。内塔尼亚胡也一直谨慎对待取消军事豁免权的问题——尽管以色列国内许多人对此普遍反对——因为他担心联合托拉犹太教及类似政党会因此完全撤回支持。
The bloc did continue to intermittently support the coalition government, however, and Netanyahu has been wary of removing the military exemption – despite widespread opposition to it from many in Israel – out of fear that the UTJ and similar parties would remove their support completely.
除了在“托拉旗帜”党内的角色外,兰多还是以色列立陶宛超正统犹太社群的精神领袖之一。该社群约占以色列约145万超正统犹太人(亦称哈雷迪人)的三分之一。今年5月,他表示自己已不再信任内塔尼亚胡,并呼吁解散议会。
Along with his role within Degel HaTorah, Lando is also one of the spiritual leaders of Israel’s Lithuanian ultra-Orthodox community which makes up roughly a third of the country’s estimated 1.45 million ultra-Orthodox Jews, also known as Haredim. In May, he said he no longer trusted Netanyahu and called for parliament to be dissolved.
在视频片段中,他的言论更为激进。他说:“无需建立国家,也可以和阿拉伯人和平共处。”他还补充说,由国际力量或巴勒斯坦人统治会是“最佳局面”。
In the footage, he goes further. “It is possible to live well with the Arabs without a state,” he says, adding that international or Palestinian rule would have been “the best situation”.
他认为,犹太复国主义“导致阿拉伯人憎恨我们”,并为犹太民族带来了物质和精神上的灾难。他将世俗以色列人描述为建立了一个“背教与异端的国家”。
Zionism, he argues, “caused the Arabs to hate us” and brought physical as well as spiritual disaster on the Jewish people. He describes secular Israelis as having built “a state of apostasy and heresy”.
这些言论反映了非犹太复国主义和反犹太复国主义的立场,这些立场过去在超正统犹太教中占据主导地位。但如今,它们明确提及了在非犹太复国主义国家中生活的可能性,这在以色列更是极具争议性。
The comments reflect non-Zionist and anti-Zionist positions that used to be dominant within ultra-Orthodox Judaism, but take on an overt reference to the possibility of living within a non-Zionist state, something that is even more controversial in Israel.
多哈研究生研究学院的冲突研究学者易卜拉欣·哈提布表示,在以色列官方体制“试图将两者捆绑在一起”的当下,兰多的言论“从犹太社群内部”划清了犹太复国主义与犹太教之间的界限。
Ibrahim Khatib, a conflict studies scholar at the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, said Lando’s remarks drew a line between Zionism and Judaism “from inside the Jewish community itself”, at a time when the official Israeli establishment “tries to bind them together”.
他还向半岛电视台表示,他们同时也在检验一种说法:即阿拉伯社会中的犹太社群处于危险和威胁之中,而犹太复国主义运动在1948年以色列建国时前来“拯救他们”。然而,哈提卜警告称,以色列的超正统派政权“属于右翼,其领导人持有右翼立场,其中一些人还发表了明显冒犯阿拉伯人和巴勒斯坦人的言论”。
They also put to the test the narrative that Jewish communities in Arab societies were in danger and threatened, and that the Zionist movement came to “save them” at the formation of the state of Israel in 1948, he told Al Jazeera. However, Khatib cautioned that the ultra-Orthodox polity in Israel “is right-wing, its leaders hold right-wing positions, and some of them have made clearly offensive statements about Arabs and Palestinians”.
在本周兰多的视频曝光后,以色列反对派领导人迅速将其用作政治工具,借此攻击内塔尼亚胡选举联盟中某个政党的成员。
Political ammunition Israeli opposition leaders moved quickly after the footage of Lando emerged this week, taking it as an opportunity to attack a figure from a party within Netanyahu’s electoral bloc.
前总理纳夫塔利·贝内特——内塔尼亚胡在即将到来的选举中的主要对手之一——称这些言论“反犹太、反犹太复国主义且反[以色列军队]”,但他将矛头指向了内塔尼亚胡和财政部长贝扎勒尔·斯莫特里奇,称他们“支持[兰多],并向他及其朋友输送了数百亿谢克尔”。
Former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett – one of Netanyahu’s main challengers in the upcoming elections – called the remarks “anti-Semitic, anti-Zionist and anti-[Israeli military]”, but aimed his fire at Netanyahu and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who he said “back [Lando] and funnel tens of billions of shekels to him and his friends”.
另一位反对派领导人加迪·艾森科特——其“正直党”的竞选纲领主张强制实施军事征兵——敦促所有犹太复国主义政党承诺不与兰多的政党合作。
Gadi Eisenkot, another opposition leader whose Yashar party has campaigned on enforcing the military draft, urged every Zionist party to pledge not to sit with Lando’s party.
内塔尼亚胡曾在7月公开驳斥兰多的言论,当时这位拉比指责宗教犹太复国主义运动因支持将宗教学院学生征入军队而“煽动谋杀”,但他至今尚未对此发表评论。
Netanyahu, who publicly rejected Lando’s remarks in July when the rabbi accused the Religious Zionism movement of “incitement to murder” for its support of the drafting of religious seminary students to the military, has not yet commented.
民主党领袖亚伊尔·戈兰直言不讳地表示:“内塔尼亚胡之所以保持沉默,是因为没有兰多拉比及其使者,他就无法组建政府。”贾巴林则认为内塔尼亚胡的沉默是“经过精心计算的”。
Yair Golan, leader of the Democrats, put it bluntly: “Netanyahu is silent because without Rabbi Lando and his emissaries, he has no government.”Jabareen sees Netanyahu’s silence as “calculated”.
“如果内塔尼亚胡强力攻击兰多,他将需要为此付出代价,因为哈雷迪派正是他组建政府所依赖的力量,”他说。“如果他保持沉默,就等于给了对手材料,让他们可以向右翼选民宣称:那个高谈犹太复国主义和安全的人,却依赖一个对犹太复国主义本身都持怀疑态度的宗教领导层。”
“If Netanyahu attacks Lando forcefully, he pays a price with the Haredim he needs to form a government,” he said. “If he stays silent, he hands his rivals material to tell right-wing voters that the man who speaks of Zionism and security depends on a religious leadership that doubts Zionism itself.”
谁参战,谁牺牲?贾巴林补充说,对超正统犹太人的军事征召问题已经“从一场关于宗教与国家的旧有争议,演变为对以色列[社会]契约本身的质疑:谁参战?谁牺牲?而谁又能因此获得豁免权、预算以及政治影响力?”
Who fights and who dies The military draft of the ultra-Orthodox, Jabareen added, has turned “from an old dispute over religion and state into a question about the Israeli [social] contract itself: Who fights? Who dies? And who gets the exemptions, the budgets and the political influence in return?”
安曼政治与社会研究所的学术顾问穆罕默德·阿布·鲁曼表示,兰多言论的重要性在于引发这些言论的问题本身。他说,一个将学习《托拉》与服兵役相结合的年轻宗教人士的例子,“在超正统犹太群体内部提出了一个问题:我们为何不也这样做?”
Mohammad Abu Rumman, an academic adviser at the Politics and Society Institute in Amman, said the significance of Lando’s remarks lay in the question that prompted them. The example of a young religious man who combines Torah study with military service, he said, “raises a question inside the ultra-Orthodox world itself: Why don’t we do the same?”
“当兰多称他们的教义为扭曲的《托拉》时,他试图阻止人们效仿他们,”阿布·鲁曼对半岛电视台表示。“他的言论既针对他的对手,也同样针对他自己的受众。”但贾巴林认为,这场争论暴露出的分歧对内塔尼亚胡而言比世俗犹太人与宗教犹太人之间常见的冲突更为危险,因为它贯穿了整个右翼阵营。宗教犹太复国主义者在战争中付出了沉重的人命代价,而超正统犹太领导层仍拒绝服兵役。夹在那些承担战争代价的人与拒绝承担的人之间,内塔尼亚胡需要双方支持,却无法同时满足他们。
“When Lando describes their teaching as a distorted Torah, he is trying to close the door on emulating them,” Abu Rumman told Al Jazeera. “His words are aimed at his own audience as much as at his opponents.”But Jabareen argued that the row exposes a rift more dangerous for Netanyahu than the familiar clash between secular and religious Israelis, because it runs through the right itself. Religious Zionists have paid a heavy human price in the war, while the ultra-Orthodox leadership still rejects conscription. Caught between those who pay the price of war and those who refuse to, Netanyahu needs both, and cannot satisfy them at once.
兰多的言论引发的愤怒能否转化为选票则尚不明确。阿布·鲁曼预计,这些言论“更多会强化现有立场,而非改变选民的选择”。他说,这些言论可能产生影响的空间,在于那些服过兵役且对内塔尼亚胡保护超正统犹太人诉求感到不满的右翼选民。
Whether the outrage over Lando’s comments translates into votes is less clear. Abu Rumman expects the remarks to “reinforce existing positions more than change voters’ choices”. The space where they could matter, he said, lies among right-wing voters who serve in the army and resent Netanyahu’s protection of ultra-Orthodox demands.
“如果内塔尼亚胡需要这些政党来组建多数派,那么无论一位拉比的言论多么令人震惊,这种需求都不会因此消失,”阿布·鲁曼说道。内塔尼亚胡也并非统一犹太教派(UTJ)的唯一追求者:第12频道报道称,由于内塔尼亚胡未能成功通过一项让超正派犹太男性免除兵役的法律,该党不会排除也不反对由艾森科特领导的政府。
“If Netanyahu needs these parties to build a majority, that need will not disappear because of a rabbi’s remarks, however shocking,” Abu Rumman said. Netanyahu is also not the UTJ’s only suitor: Channel 12 reported that, frustrated by his failure to secure a law exempting ultra-Orthodox men from military service, the party would not rule out or oppose a government led by Eisenkot.
“以色列右翼成功地将两种对犹太国几乎持矛盾看法的派系整合到了同一个政治框架下,”贾巴林说道。“其中一派将国家及其主权的扩张神圣化;而在另一派中,一位最重要的拉比甚至可能表示,如果国家从未建立,或许会更好。”
“The Israeli right has managed to bring under one political roof two currents with almost contradictory visions of the Jewish state,” Jabareen said. “One sanctifies the state and the expansion of its sovereignty. In the other, one of its most important rabbis can say it might have been better had the state never been founded.”