
共和党人曾以为减税能够帮助他们赢得中期选举。但距离选举日仅剩不到三周,这种希望似乎正在落空:POLITICO民意调查的最新结果显示,特朗普总统和共和党人在国会强行通过的全面减税和国内政策方案并未引起选民共鸣。即便将“One Big Beautiful Bill”重新命名为“Working Families Tax Cuts”,也未能扭转局面。
Republicans once thought tax cuts would save the midterms. But with less than three weeks until Election Day those hopes seem to be coming up short: New results from the POLITICO Poll show the sweeping tax and domestic policy package rammed through Congress by President Donald Trump and Republicans are not resonating with voters. Not even a rebranding of the “One Big Beautiful Bill” to “Working Families Tax Cuts” is turning things around.
事实上,不到十分之一的美国人将减税列为特朗普第二个任期的最大成就之一。
In fact, fewer than one in 10 Americans name the tax cuts as among the biggest successes of Trump’s second term.
民意调查结果明确表明,这并不是共和党人所期望的“减税选举”。
It’s not, the results make clear, the tax cut election that Republicans wanted.
虽然70%的受访者表示税收是一个重要议题,但只有9%的人认为它是最重要的议题,因为生活成本上升、伊朗持续战争以及其他问题正在掩盖共和党人在特朗普第二个任期的标志性立法成就。
While 70% say taxes are an important issue, only 9% say it is the important, as rising costs of living, the ongoing war in Iran and other concerns overshadow Republicans’ signature legislative accomplishment of Trump’s second term.
共和党人仍在竞选途中推广去年的减税政策,选民甚至对“Working Families Tax Cuts”这一名称持积极看法。但废除该法律的呼声更高,该法律还削减了医疗补助(Medicaid)以抵消减税成本,而民主党似乎正处于在华盛顿重新夺回至少一些权力杠杆的边缘。
Republicans continue to plug last year’s tax cuts on the trail, and voters even have a positive view of the name “Working Families Tax Cuts.”But there is more energy behind potentially repealing that law, which also slashed Medicaid to help offset the cost of tax cuts, as Democrats appear on the brink of regaining at least some levers of power in Washington.
共和党策划人科林·里德(Colin Reed)表示,2025年的这项巨额法案很可能成为共和党的一项持久成就 — — 但他们可能不会因此在今年11月获得政治回报,无论他们的信息传递如何。
Colin Reed, a GOP strategist, said that the 2025 megabill would likely be a durable achievement for Republicans — but one that they wouldn’t necessarily get rewarded for politically this November, no matter their messaging.
“选举更多是关于未来而非过去,”里德说。“即使人们和小企业主对2025年税收没有上涨感到满意,他们也想知道2027年会发生什么。”共和党人最初将去年的这项巨额法案称为“One Big Beautiful Bill Act”,这是根据特朗普对将党内大部分财政优先事项打包进单一立法载体的决定的描述。但几周后,共和党领导人决定,这种品牌策略行不通。
“Elections are more about the future than the past,” said Reed. “Even if people and small business owners are happy that their taxes didn’t go up in 2025, they also want to know what’s going to happen in 2027.”Republicans originally labeled last year’s megabill the One Big Beautiful Bill Act after Trump’s description of the decision to pack most of the party’s fiscal priorities into a single legislative vehicle. But within weeks, GOP leaders decided that branding wasn’t going to cut it.
他们开始把它称为“工作家庭减税”,以此赞颂该法律新增的小费收入、加班费、新车贷款利息以及针对老年人的扣除项,这些扣除项与特朗普第一个任期的个人减税延期措施相配套。
That’s when they started calling it Working Families Tax Cuts, an ode to the law’s new deductions for tipped income, overtime pay, new car loan interest and for seniors that were paired with extensions of individual tax relief from Trump’s first term.
PF Global的最新民调显示,选民对这一新描述持更积极态度。当被问及基于他们所了解的内容,是否支持或反对“一个宏伟美丽的法案”时,只有30%的受访者表示会支持该法。但当被问及对“工作家庭减税”的态度时,支持率上升至40%的受访者。这种变化并非纯粹出于党派立场。
The new polling from PF Global found that voters have warmed to that new description. When asked if they would support or oppose the "One Big Beautiful Bill Act" based on what they know, just 30% of respondents said they would back the law. But when asked the same about the "Working Families Tax Cuts," support jumped to 40% of respondents. That’s not strictly a partisan response, either.
民主党人更倾向于支持而非反对“工作家庭减税”,而对“一个宏伟美丽的法案”则持相反态度。事实上,总体而言,美国人强烈反对该宏伟美丽法案的比例(22%)是反对工作家庭减税的比例(5%)的四倍多。
Democrats are more likely to support than oppose Working Families Tax Cuts, while the opposite is true of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. In fact, Americans overall were more than four times as likely to say they strongly opposed the big, beautiful bill (22%) than they were to say they opposed tax cuts for working families (5%).
但这里有一个问题:总体而言,只有少数选民了解共和党的这一重新包装行动。
But there’s a catch: Few voters overall are aware of the GOP’s rebranding effort.
只有大约五分之一的受访者表示他们知道并能够描述“工作家庭减税”。另有31%的人知道这件事,但不完全清楚其具体内容;49%的人对此完全不知情。
Only about one in five respondents said they knew about and could describe the Working Families Tax Cuts. Another 31% were aware of it but not totally sure what it was, and 49% were completely in the dark.
也许正是因为“一个宏伟美丽的法案”先行一步,它的知名度更高。大约70%的人表示至少听说过它,其中近三分之一的人表示他们对它很了解。
Perhaps because of its head start, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act is better known. About 70% of people said they’d at least heard of it, with nearly a third responding that they knew it well.
因此,共和党官员和利益团体试图将“工作家庭减税”打造成一个更具品牌感的名称,并在努力应对可能的民主党浪潮时,以其名称进行推广,这也不足为奇。
All of that makes it no surprise then that Republican officeholders and interest groups are trying to make the Working Families Tax Cuts more of a brand, plugging it by name as they try to survive a potential Democratic wave.
候选人也更倾向于宣传他们对去年减税法案中个别条款的支持,比如小费和加班费的扣除项。
Candidates are also more likely to promote their support for individual portions of last year’s tax cuts, like the tip and overtime deductions.
根据广告监测机构AdImpact的数据分析,自去年年初以来,在竞争激烈的选区中,共和党人仅投放了四则包含“大型且惠民的法案”这一表述的电视广告。其中三则广告于去年在南卡罗来纳州播出,有助于已故参议员林赛·格雷厄姆推动该法案的通过。
Republicans in competitive races have only run four total TV ads using the phrase “big beautiful bill” since the beginning of last year, according to an analysis of data from the tracking firm AdImpact. Three of those ads aired in South Carolina last year, boosting the since-deceased Sen. Lindsey Graham’s role in passing the bill.
如今,共和党更倾向于宣传经过重新包装后的“工薪家庭减税计划”,目前已投放了32则包含该宣传口号的广告,最近两个月投放量更是有所上升。不过这些广告仅占共和党用于税务相关宣传的4.1亿美元预算的一小部分:该党更多时候采用更为简洁的方式来宣传该法案的核心卖点,并投入了7500万美元用于投放涉及小费税、加班税以及社会保障金税等内容的广告。
The party is leaning much more heavily into the rebranded “working families tax cuts,” having run 32 ads using the phrase, with a recent uptick in the final two months. But even those ads represent a sliver of $410 million Republicans have spent on tax messaging: The party more often leans into a cleaner form of messaging around the bill’s core selling points and has spent $75 million on ads referencing either to taxes on tips, taxes on overtime, or taxes on Social Security payments.
正在竞选参议员的乔治亚州共和党众议员迈克·柯林斯与艾奥瓦州共和党众议员阿什莉·欣森,都是近期既宣传该法案中广受好评的条款、又强调整部法案重要性的候选人。
Reps. Mike Collins (R-Ga.) and Ashley Hinson (R-Iowa), both of whom are running for the Senate, are among the candidates who have talked up both the more popular provisions and the broader law in recent weeks.
欣森表示,她会迅速推动延长特朗普在2024年竞选时提出的四项个人税收减免政策。
Hinson has said that she would quickly move to extend provisions like the four personal deductions that Trump campaigned on in 2024.
“上任第一天,我就会提出相关立法,使‘工薪家庭减税计划’永久生效,”她在本月说道。
“On day one, I want to introduce legislation that would make the Working Families Tax Cuts bill permanent,” she said this month.
相比之下,民主党人则更频繁地拿《大型且惠民的法案》来抨击共和党。在涉及该议题的32则广告中,约半数自9月初起至少播出过一次。不过与共和党类似,这些广告也仅占民主党投入近2亿美元用于税务宣传预算的一小部分。
For their part, Democrats have been more likely to hammer Republicans about the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, with about half of their 32 ads on the issue running at least once just since the start of September. But like Republicans, that’s also just a small portion of the almost $200 million that Democrats have funneled toward tax advertising.
民调显示,即便税收问题在中期选举中占据更重要的地位,也未必能让共和党获得显著优势。
Even if taxes were more central to the midterms, it’s not clear that would give Republicans a huge leg up, the poll finds.
选民们对小费收入与加班费税收减免政策给予了肯定;这些政策广受欢迎,以至于有意参与2028年总统竞选的民主党人也在重新调整自身的竞选纲领。
Voters are giving the GOP credit for the deductions for tipped income and overtime pay, which are popular enough that Democrats looking at the 2028 race have been recalibrating their potential presidential platforms.
不过总体而言,即便有了2025年新法案的称谓,仍有较多民众认为民主党更倾向于为美国普通劳动者减税——支持率分别为38%和32%。
But overall, they still narrowly associate Democrats more with cutting taxes for working Americans — 38% to 32% — even with the new title for the 2025 law.
对美国人来说,“小费免税”“加班费免税”的重要性不及其他一些税收议题,而在这些议题上他们更倾向于支持民主党,比如对亿万富翁增税。
“No tax on tips” and “no tax on overtime” are also less important to Americans than other tax issues on which they’re more likely to align with Democrats, like hiking taxes on billionaires.
此外,共和党的税收政策也引发了选民日益强烈的担忧,比如为科技企业提供税收优惠,而此时公众对那些推动人工智能发展的数据中心的反对声也日益高涨。
And Republicans get the blame for tax policies of growing concern among voters, like incentives for tech companies amid the growing backlash to the data centers fueling the artificial intelligence boom.
在这样的背景下,像有望击败柯林斯的乔治亚州民主党参议员乔恩·奥索夫这样的民主党人,便可以毫无顾忌地猛烈抨击共和党的减税政策,称其不过是给富人的福利,同时还会削减对穷人的社会保障。
That environment has left Democrats like Sen. Jon Ossoff (D-Ga.), who is favored to defeat Collins, feeling quite comfortable in sharply attacking the GOP tax cuts, dubbing them a giveaway to the rich that’s paired with cuts to the safety net for the poor.
民众也普遍支持废除该减税政策。POLITICO民调显示,超过三分之一的受访者表示,如果候选人承诺废除去年共和党推出的财政方案,他们就更有可能投票给此人;相比之下,只有20%的受访者表示这样做会降低他们的投票意愿。
There’s quite a bit of voter energy behind a potential repeal as well. The POLITICO Poll found that more than a third of respondents would be more likely to vote for someone who said they would repeal last year’s GOP fiscal package, as opposed to 20% who would be less likely.
“平托车的问题不在于广告预算不足,而在于车子老是着火,”民主党策略师杰西·弗格森这样说道。他将共和党推出的大型财政法案比作上世纪70年代问题频出的福特平托车。
“The problem with the Pinto wasn't that the ad budget was too small. It was that the car kept catching on fire,” said Democratic strategist Jesse Ferguson, comparing Republicans’ megabill to a troubled Ford model from the 1970s.
弗格森曾担任希拉里·克林顿2016年竞选团队的高级顾问,他补充道:“共和党通过了这项法案,选民们也不得不接受。如今特朗普在经济问题上支持率低迷,而共和党也失去了一代选民对其在控制生活成本方面的信任。”
“Republicans passed their bill, voters lived with it, and now Trump's underwater on the economy and the GOP has lost the trust on cost of living it had for a generation,” said Ferguson, who was a top aide on Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign.