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放弃种族正义救不了我们的民主——重新构想选举才行Abandoning racial justice won’t save our democracy — reimagining elections will

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2026年10月13日星期二,佐治亚州提前投票首日,在亚特兰大西南艺术中心投票站,一名选民将纸质选票放入扫描仪。(美联社照片/迈克·斯图尔特)A voter feeds their paper ballot into a scanner at the Southwest Arts Center voting site on the first day for early voting in Georgia, Tuesday, Oct. 13, 2026, in Atlanta. (AP Photo/Mike Stewart)

两周后,选民将投票参加首次在没有《投票权法案》针对投票中的种族歧视最强有力保护的情况下举行的全国选举。

In two weeks, voters will cast their ballots in the first national election without the Voting Rights Act’s strongest protections against racial discrimination in voting.

对太多人来说,这是值得庆祝的事情。自《投票权法案》签署成为法律以来,它就一直受到那些从未希望我们的国家兑现自由公正民主承诺、让每个人都有平等参与机会的人的攻击。

For far too many, that’s something to celebrate. From the moment the Voting Rights Act was signed into law, it has been under attack by those who never wanted our country to deliver on its promise of a free and fair democracy that affords everyone an equal opportunity to participate.

但自2013年最高法院在谢尔比诉霍尔德案中的裁决以来,一系列裁决已成功削弱了该法案,最近的是路易斯安那州诉卡莱斯案。这两起案件均由法律辩护基金在最高法院辩论,我是该基金的副总法律顾问。

But after the Supreme Court’s 2013 decision in Shelby v. Holder, a succession of decisions have succeeded in weakening the act, most recently Louisiana v. Callais. Both decisions were argued before the Supreme Court by the Legal Defense Fund, where I am associate director-counsel.

对这些保护的肢解,使黑人选民面临被严格选民身份证法律、针对性投票站变更、提前投票限制以及不悔改的选区重划方案剥夺选举权的风险,这些方案稀释了黑人投票权。

The evisceration of these protections has left Black voters vulnerable to disenfranchisement by strict voter ID laws, targeted polling site changes, early voting restrictions and unrepentant redistricting schemes that dilute Black voting power.

确实,我们目前正面临自吉姆·克劳时代鼎盛以来对投票权的最大攻击。但如果我们放弃了帮助在仅仅61年前创建我们多元种族民主蓝图的种族正义原则,那将是对我们自身的严重损害。我们不能允许愤世嫉俗、极度党派化的操作颠覆我们政治体系的一项基本原则:我们的政府是人民的、由人民的、为人民的——所有人的。

Indeed, we are currently facing the greatest attack on voting rights since the height of the Jim Crow era. But we would do ourselves a grave disservice if we abandoned the principles of racial justice that helped create the blueprint of our multiracial democracy a mere 61 years ago. We cannot allow cynical, hyper-partisan maneuvering to upend a foundational tenet of our political system: that ours is a government of, by and for the people — all of us.

黑人选民不是政治棋子。我们不是无面孔的群体,等待被装进和拆分进最有利于任何一方的选区。我们不是达到目的的手段。

Black voters are not political pawns. We are not faceless masses waiting to be packed and cracked into districts that most efficiently benefit either party. We are not a means to an end.

然而,如果我们继续沿着既定路径前行,那么今年可能是我们最后一次在数十个选区看到公平代表。民权运动巨擘所设想的愿景将戛然而止,因为全国各地的公平选区正因针对公平代表的攻击而消失。我们已经在田纳西州、路易斯安那州和亚拉巴马州看到了这一点。

Yet, if we continue down the path set before us, then this year may be the last time we see fair representation in dozens of districts. What was envisioned by the giants of the civil rights movement will come to a screeching halt as fair districts across the country vanish because of attacks on fair representation. We have already seen it in Tennessee, Louisiana and Alabama.

我们该何去何从?我们如何在同时抵御四面八方攻击的同时,主动进攻系统性的平等机会障碍?

Where do we go from here? How do we proactively attack systemic barriers to equal opportunity while simultaneously playing defense against attacks on all sides?

是时候打开思路、大胆构想,开始重新构想为人民而非政客服务的选举了。或许没有一根魔法棒能在全国海量社区的每个地方都奏效。但我们当然应该拿起工具箱里的每一件工具。

It is time to think big, think boldly and start reimagining elections that work for the people, not the politicians. There may be no magic wand that works in every locale throughout the vast number of communities across the country. But we certainly should take hold of every tool in our toolbox.

在黑人选民齐心协力支持同一候选人却长期代表性不足的社区,经过验证且行之有效的战略性改革——如排序复选制、累积投票制、有限投票制等——有可能在地方层面为黑人选民提供途径,使其拥有平等机会选出心仪候选人。这些形式在地方选举实施后已被证明能提高投票率。

In communities where Black voters cohesively support the same candidates yet are consistently underrepresented, proven and successful strategic reforms like ranked choice voting, cumulative voting, limited voting and more have the potential to provide pathways at the local level for Black voters to have equal opportunities to elect candidates of choice. These formats have been shown to increase turnout when implemented in local elections.

在部署创造性选举改革工具的同时,我们必须继续反对企图通过重划选区将黑人选民和代表排挤出权力核心的方案,正如我们在南卡罗来纳州和佐治亚州所做的那样。

While we deploy creative tools for election reform, we must also continue to oppose redistricting schemes that seek to draw Black voters and representatives out of power, just like we did in South Carolina and Georgia.

尽管最高法院作出了卡莱斯案裁决,法律辩护基金仍继续在法庭上为公平选区而战,争取让有色人种选民拥有选出心仪代表的机会。我们近期已取得成功,例如我们为密西西比州德索托县唯一的黑人占多数司法分辖区进行了辩护。

Notwithstanding the Supreme Court’s Callais decision, the Legal Defense Fund continues to fight in the courts for fair districts that provide voters of color the opportunity to elect representatives of choice. And we’ve had recent successes here, like our defense of the sole majority-Black judicial subdistrict in DeSoto County, Mississippi.

联邦层面的攻击可以通过国会通过《约翰·R·刘易斯投票权促进法案》来抵御——这项立法不仅将恢复,还将强化原《投票权法案》中保护黑人选民免遭剥夺选举权运动侵害的条款,而这类运动正是我们目前正在目睹的。

Attacks at the federal level can be defended by Congress’ passage of the John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act — a piece of legislation that would not only restore but strengthen provisions of the original Voting Rights Act that serve to protect Black voters from disenfranchisement campaigns like the ones we’re witnessing right now.

在州层面,我们必须继续投入资源,推动通过、实施并确保州《投票权法案》获得资金支持,这些法案为选民提供关键保护,防止在地方层面的投票中遭受歧视。2026年,法律辩护基金帮助马里兰州、特拉华州、新泽西州和加利福尼亚州分别颁布了四部州《投票权法案》,这是历史上首次。

And at the state level, we must continue to throw our resources behind passing, enacting and ensuring funding of state Voting Rights Acts that provide key protections for constituents against discrimination in voting at the local level. In 2026, the Legal Defense Fund helped enact four separate state Voting Rights Acts (in Maryland, Delaware, New Jersey and California) for the first time in history.

我们还可以继续与全国性、州级和地方性组织合作,动员社区成员发出声音,就像我们在阿拉巴马州的“通往南方之路”活动和今年在华盛顿特区的“向华盛顿进军”活动中所做的那样。

We can also continue to partner with national, state and local organizations to mobilize community members to make our voices heard, just like we did in Alabama during All Roads Lead to the South and in Washington D.C. during this year’s March on Washington.

综合来看,这些改革能为黑人选民提供有意义的机会,反击那些旨在倒退时钟、彻底消除黑人政治参与的阴险图谋。

Taken together, these reforms can offer meaningful opportunities for Black voters to fight back against insidious efforts to turn back the clock and eliminate Black political participation altogether.

在我们为公平代表权而进行的长期行进中,我们必须要求以正义为基础的投票改革,拒绝为了一党之私而牺牲黑人代表权、操纵选举制度的企图。历史表明,当我们将公平和平等的代表权置于核心位置时,我们就能实现一个惠及所有人的民主。

On our long march for fair representation, we must demand voting reforms rooted in justice and reject attempts to manipulate our electoral systems to promote partisan gains at the expense of Black representation. History has shown us that when we center fair and equal representation, we are able to achieve a democracy that works for everyone.

长期以来,投票权和投票通道一直被置于困扰我们体制的极端党派条件之下加以考量。当我们思考投票权的得失时,如果我们继续让政客决定权力归属,我们所有人都将成为输家。

For too long, voting rights and ballot access have been considered under the very partisan conditions that plague our system. When we think about the winners and losers of voting rights, if we keep letting politicians decide where the power lies, we all lose.

托德·A·考克斯是法律辩护基金的副主任律师。考克斯在种族和社会正义领域拥有超过30年的经验,曾在法律、慈善和政府领域担任领导职务。

Todd A. Cox is associate director-counsel of the Legal Defense Fund. Cox has more than 30 years of experience in racial and social justice, having held leadership roles in law, philanthropy, and government.

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