
从香烟到家用清洁剂再到非处方药,无数消费品都贴有健康和安全警示。社交媒体平台是否也应被强制这样做?
From cigarettes to household cleansers to over-the-counter medications, countless consumer products carry health and safety warnings. Should social media platforms be forced to do the same?
这一问题正是互联网行业贸易团体NetChoice发起的言论自由诉讼的核心,该组织正在挑战多个州通过的法律,这些法律将要求社交媒体公司就过度使用社交媒体向未成年人发出警示。
That question is at the heart of free-speech litigation by internet industry trade group NetChoice, which is challenging laws in multiple states that would require social media companies to warn minors about excessive social media use.
最新一起诉讼于上周针对加利福尼亚州提起,为日益升级的关于“被强制言论”的第一修正案之争增添了新战场——这场斗争吸引了大量外部利益相关方参与,并引发了关于政府有无权强制企业就其产品向消费者发出警示的更广泛问题。
The latest suit, filed last week against California, adds another front to the growing First Amendment battle over compelled speech – a fight that has attracted a parade of outside interests and raises broader questions about the government's ability to force businesses to warn consumers about their products.
加利福尼亚州的AB 56法案定于1月1日生效,将要求Instagram、Snapchat和TikTok等社交媒体平台警示儿童和青少年:“美国卫生局局长已警告,虽然社交媒体可能对部分年轻用户有益,但社交媒体与严重的心理健康危害相关,且未被证实对年轻用户安全。”该提示将在未成年人首次登录时出现,在累计活跃使用时长达三小时后再次出现,此后至少每小时出现一次。
California’s law AB 56, which is slated to take effect on January 1, will require social media platforms such as Instagram, Snapchat and TikTok to caution children and teens that “The Surgeon General has warned that while social media may have benefits for some young users, social media is associated with significant mental health harms and has not been proven safe for young users.”The notice will appear when a minor first logs on, again after three hours of cumulative active use, and at least once every hour thereafter.
NetChoice正在挑战科罗拉多州的一项类似法律,并于去年赢得禁令,阻止了该警示要求生效。该裁决目前正在上诉中,由美国第十巡回上诉法院审理,预计将于明年年初进行口头辩论。该贸易团体在联邦地区法院还有一起针对明尼苏达州的案件在审理中。
NetChoice is challenging a similar law in Colorado, and won an injunction last year to stop the warning requirement from going into effect. That decision is now on appeal before the 10th US Circuit Court of Appeals, which is expected to hear oral arguments early next year. The trade group also has a case pending against Minnesota in federal district court.
乍一看,这些警示强制令对于深陷困境的社交媒体公司来说,似乎只是相对次要的担忧。它们面临数千起人身伤害诉讼,指控其平台设计旨在驱使年轻人强迫性使用,导致抑郁、饮食失调和自残等问题。
At first glance, the warning mandates might seem like a relatively minor concern for beleaguered social media companies. They face thousands of personal injury lawsuits alleging their platforms are designed to drive compulsive use by young people, leading to problems including depression, eating disorders and self-harm.
其他州,包括弗吉尼亚州,已通过法律限制未成年人使用社交媒体,而澳大利亚去年成为首个禁止16岁以下人群使用社交媒体的国家。Meta则于8月同意支付高达180亿美元,以和解美国近乎所有州提出的指控,这些指控称其设计Facebook和Instagram旨在让儿童上瘾。那么,为何警示标签法案会引发如此激烈的抵制?
Other states, including Virginia, have passed laws restricting social media use by minors, while Australia last year became the first country to ban social media for under-16s. And Meta in August agreed to pay up to $18 billion to settle claims by nearly all US states that it designed Facebook and Instagram to addict children. So why are the warning-label laws generating such fierce pushback?
正如NetChoice诉讼中心主任保罗·塔斯克(Paul Taske)所言:“仅仅因为没有180亿美元的罚款,并不意味着政府介入并强制言论就是可以接受的。”塔斯克将拟议的社交媒体警示与涉及实体产品的警示信息进行了对比,例如提醒消费者洗衣凝珠若吞食有害。他说,那是一个直截了当的事实陈述。但如果被“消费”的“产品”是言论本身,又该如何?
As Paul Taske, director of the NetChoice Litigation Center told me, “Just because there’s not an $18 billion fine, it doesn’t mean it’s acceptable for the government to come in and compel speech.”Taske contrasts the proposed social media warnings with messages involving physical products, such as cautioning consumers that laundry detergent pods are harmful if swallowed. That’s a straightforward, factual statement, he said. But what about when the “product” being consumed is speech?
美国公民自由联盟(ACLU)、个人权利与表达基金会(FIRE)等组织在一份法庭之友简报中辩称,警示标签将强迫社交媒体公司“传达政府的观点,即言论本身有害”。他们辩称,即使政府初衷善意,此类强制规定也是违宪的。
The American Civil Liberties Union, the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression and others argue in an amicus brief that the warning labels would force social media companies "to communicate the government’s view that the speech itself is harmful." Even if the government’s goal is well-meaning, they argue, such a mandate is unconstitutional.
加州总检察长发言人通过电子邮件表示,该州司法部“致力于捍卫加州的法律。我们将在法庭上作出适当回应。”科罗拉多州总检察长办公室拒绝置评,明尼苏达州总检察长办公室未回应置评请求。
A spokesperson for the California attorney general said via email that the state’s Department of Justice “is committed to defending California's laws. We will respond as appropriate in court.”The Colorado AG’s office declined comment and Minnesota AG’s office did not respond to a request for comment.
在这三起案件中,一个关键问题是这些警示能否被视为商业言论。如果是,各州便可更容易地要求设置警示,而不触犯第一修正案的保护。
In all three cases, a key question is whether the warnings can be considered commercial speech. If so, the states could more easily require them without running afoul of First Amendment protections.
各州及其支持者援引了1985年美国最高法院一起涉及律师广告的判决。在该案中,最高法院裁定,俄亥俄州律师菲利普·扎乌德勒(Philip Zauderer)可被要求在其广告中披露:以风险代理方式聘请他的客户,即便败诉仍可能需承担诉讼费用。
The states and their supporters point to a 1985 US Supreme Court decision involving attorney advertising. In that case, the high court held that Ohio lawyer Philip Zauderer could be required to disclose in his ads that clients who hired him on a contingency-fee basis could still be responsible for litigation costs if they lost.
依据扎乌德勒案确立的框架,法院通常支持政府强制企业披露事实性、无争议信息的规定,前提是这些要求服务于合法的州利益,且不会过度负担言论自由。
Using the framework laid out in the Zauderer decision, courts have generally upheld government mandates requiring businesses to disclose factual, uncontroversial information, so long as the requirements serve a legitimate state interest and do not unduly burden speech.
各州主张,其社交媒体警告要求完全符合这一传统,并引用多项研究,将过度使用社交媒体与青少年身心健康受损联系起来。他们表示,各州在保护儿童福祉方面拥有至关重要的利益。
The states argue that their social media warnings fall squarely within that tradition, citing multiple studies that link excessive social media use to mental and physical harm in young people. And they say that they have a vital interest in protecting the well-being of children.
“社交媒体产品中的成瘾性元素与底层内容无关,完全是为了引诱青少年陷入无尽循环,让他们的眼球时刻盯着社交媒体,”43个州和哥伦比亚特区在一份支持科罗拉多州法律的法庭之友简报中写道。
“The addictive elements in social media products have nothing to do with the underlying content and everything to do with luring youth into an endless loop, where their eyeballs are constantly drawn to social media,” 43 states and the District of Columbia said in an amicus brief backing Colorado's law.
公司及其支持者反驳称,关于社交媒体危害的科学结论远未定论,且警告标签并非商业言论判例下可被强制要求的那类事实性、非争议性陈述。
The companies and their supporters counter that the science on social media harm is far from settled, and that the warning labels are not the kind of factual, non-controversial statements that can be compelled under commercial speech precedents.
毋庸置疑,这并非法院首次权衡政府为保护青少年免受所谓有害表达侵害所作的努力。
To be sure, this isn't the first time courts have weighed government efforts to protect young people from allegedly harmful expression.
正如已故大法官安东宁·斯卡利亚(Antonin Scalia)在2011年一份推翻禁止向未成年人出售暴力电子游戏法律的意见中所指出的,关心青少年的成年人长期以来一直试图限制青少年接触新形式的媒体,包括十分钱小说、广播剧、电影和漫画书。然而法院裁定,第一修正案保护所有这些媒体形式。
As the late Justice Antonin Scalia noted in a 2011 opinion striking down a law banning the sale of violent video games to minors, concerned adults have long sought to restrict youth from exposure to new forms of media, including dime novels, radio dramas, motion pictures and comic books. Yet courts have held the First Amendment protects them all.
现在的问题是,社交媒体是否是一种不同的事物——以及各州是否可以强制平台传达它们对其危害的担忧。
The question now is whether social media is a different animal — and if states can compel the platforms to convey their concerns about its harms.