编辑部认为，围绕拟议中的沙特民用核协议的困惑并未完全消除：白宫仍声称该协议取决于沙特与以色列关系正常化，尽管书面协议中并未包含此条款。
By The Editors The confusion surrounding a proposed civil nuclear deal with Saudi Arabia hasn’t exactly disappeared: The White House is still claiming it depends on the country normalizing relations with Israel, even if that’s not part of the written agreement.
国会目前已获得协议文本进行审查，鉴于其存在的缺陷，立法者应要求进行修改。在此条件下推进协议风险巨大。
At least Congress now has the text for review. Having seen its flaws, legislators should demand changes. Proceeding on such terms would be risky.
几十年来，美国和其他核供应国一直拒绝向客户提供铀浓缩或乏燃料后处理技术，正是为了防止其制造核武器。
For decades, the US and other nuclear suppliers have refused to provide customers with the technology to enrich uranium or reprocess spent fuel, precisely so they couldn’t assemble the working materials for a bomb.
沙特王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼已表示，如果伊朗研制核武器，沙特将“不得不”效仿；沙特可能采取此类行动的可能性，将鼓励该地区其他国家也寻求核武器。任何受限设施都容易发生泄漏，甚至可能被直接扣押。
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has already said his nation would “have to” match Iran if it develops a nuclear weapon; the mere possibility that the Saudis might do so will encourage other countries in the region to pursue one as well. Any restricted facilities will be vulnerable to leakage, if not outright seizure.
最重要的是，国会应为这种欺诈行为制定严厉的后果，包括冻结资产和切断对其他美国技术的获取。
Perhaps most important, Congress should lay out severe consequences for such cheating — including asset freezes and cutting off access to other US technology. The administration should be commended for looking for ways to boost US nuclear exports.
政府在寻求促进美国核出口方面值得称赞，但这一目标不应不惜一切代价去实现，国会应明确表达这一立场。
But that goal shouldn’t be pursued at any cost — and Congress should say so clearly. To contact the senior editor responsible for Bloomberg Opinion’s editorials: Timothy L. O'Brien at tlobrien@bloomberg.net