对内塔尼亚胡失败的执念，使以色列得以回避直面其在加沙所犯下的行径。
The fixation on Netanyahu’s failures allows Israel to avoid confronting what it has done in Gaza.
随着以色列即将纪念10月7日袭击事件三周年，且距离议会选举不足一个月，一个议题正主导着选举议程。
As Israel prepares to mark three years since the October 7 attacks and with less than a month to go to parliamentary elections, one topic is dominating the electoral agenda.
媒体报道称，阿联酋在袭击发生前曾向以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡发出警告，这使他涉嫌承担的责任再次成为焦点。“他知情吗？”这是所有人都在问的问题。
Media reports that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was warned by the United Arab Emirates before the attacks have put his alleged responsibility back in the spotlight. “Did he know?” is the question on everyone’s lips.
听着这阵指责的合唱，人们或许会以为以色列社会终于开始承认10月7日事件的真正含义。然而事实恰恰相反。
Listening to the accusatory choir, one might think that Israeli society finally is acknowledging the real meaning of October 7. Yet the opposite is true.
选举并未为清算提供平台，反而将内塔尼亚胡塑造成替罪羊，指责他涉嫌为哈马斯的袭击铺平道路，同时却免除了以色列社会和锡安主义运动对先前暴力行为及随后发生的种族灭绝式侵略所应承担的集体责任。
Instead of giving a platform to a reckoning, the elections function to scapegoat Netanyahu for his alleged role in facilitating Hamas’s attack while absolving Israeli society and the Zionist movement of its collective responsibility for the preceding violence and ensuing genocidal aggression.
例如，以色列并未坚持调查“汉尼拔指令”是否在10月7日的以色列军事回应中被启用，以及该指令是否导致了以色列公民死亡，死亡人数是多少。
For example, it does not insist on investigating whether the “Hannibal Directive” was deployed as part of the Israeli military response on October 7 and whether it killed Israeli citizens and how many.
它也没有审视随后的以色列军事行动，或这些行动是否使以色列人质陷入危险，又有多少名人质死于以色列的炸弹之下。
It does not scrutinise subsequent Israeli military operations or whether they put the Israeli hostages in danger or how many were killed by Israeli bombs.
对于为何在停火和人质谈判期间，关键巴勒斯坦谈判代表遭到袭击，鲜有人提出质疑。其中包括2024年7月在德黑兰遇袭的哈马斯首席谈判代表伊斯梅尔·哈尼亚，以及2025年9月在多哈遇袭的哈马斯谈判代表团。
There is no questioning of why key Palestinian negotiators were attacked during ceasefire and hostage negotiations, including Ismail Haniyeh, Hamas’s chief negotiator, in July 2024 in Tehran and Hamas’s negotiating delegation in September 2025 in Doha.
对于以色列政府为何一再拒绝本可更早带回人质的停火提案，也缺乏辩论。
There is no debate about why the Israeli government repeatedly rejected ceasefire proposals that could have brought the hostages back much earlier.
人们很少关注内塔尼亚胡和前国防部长约阿夫·加兰特因反人类罪面临国际刑事法院逮捕令这一事实。以上这些议题均未进入主流视野。为什么？
There is little attention paid to the fact that Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant face arrest warrants from the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity. None of these made the cut. Why?
答案在于以色列社会的心理状态。对许多以色列人来说，10月7日成为一道心理上的断裂，使他们难以将自身的人性感与随后所参与的那种犯罪现实调和起来。
The answer lies in the psychological state of Israeli society. For many Israelis, October 7 became a psychological rupture, making it difficult to reconcile their sense of humanity with their complicity in the criminal reality that followed.
因此，问题并不在于以色列人处于否认状态或信息有误，而在于社会中的很大一部分人参与了犯罪行为，并刻意回避对此进行反思。
The problem, then, is not that Israelis are in denial or misinformed. It is that a large portion of the society is complicit in criminality and actively avoids reckoning with it.
加沙地带以及更广泛的巴勒斯坦群体缺席以色列的政治讨论，是因为他们已被以色列社会彻底非人化。
The absence of Gaza and Palestinians more broadly from Israeli political discourse is because of their complete dehumanisation by Israeli society.
否则，如何解释选举言论中完全没有提及针对巴勒斯坦人民的行为，以及后续应负的责任？
How else could one explain the absence from the election rhetoric of questions about, and subsequent accountability for, actions against the Palestinian people?
为何以色列军队已杀害至少7.4万名巴勒斯坦人，其中绝大多数是平民？为何他们实施了大规模且随意的拘押、酷刑和强迫失踪？
Why has the Israeli military killed at least 74,000 Palestinians, the vast majority of them civilians? Why has it carried out mass and arbitrary detentions, torture and enforced disappearances of Palestinians?
为何他们以记者、医护人员和学者为目标？为何摧毁并占领医院？为何抹去古代地标和不可替代的文化遗产地？
Why has it targeted journalists, medical workers and academics? Destroyed and occupied hospitals? Wiped out ancient landmarks and irreplaceable cultural heritage sites?
为何允许以色列士兵对破坏、压迫、种族清洗和死亡进行施虐式且常常带有性变态色彩的庆祝？
Why has the sadistic and often sexually deviant celebration of destruction, subjugation, ethnic cleansing and death by Israeli soldiers been allowed?
此外，自2023年10月以来，轰炸和入侵黎巴嫩已导致近9000人死亡，但对此后果的质疑也微乎其微。对叙利亚和也门的轰炸同样如此。
What’s more, there is also little interrogation of the consequences of bombing and invading Lebanon, killing nearly 9,000 people since October 2023. Or bombing Syria and Yemen. These are not isolated abuses.
这些并非孤立的事件，而是盗窃与统治体系的症候——这一体系由贪婪驱动，并通过心理条件反射、隔离、恐惧以及对攻击行为的奖励得以维系。正如“天生为窃”模型所揭示的，非人化有助于为攻击行为制造默许，而抵抗行为引发的升级则进一步使扩张与掠夺常态化。
They are symptoms of a system of theft and domination driven by greed and sustained through psychological conditioning, segregation, fear and rewards for aggression. In line with the “Wired to Steal” model, dehumanisation helps produce consent for aggression while escalation following acts of resistance leads to normalisation of further expansion and robbery.
因此，这次选举并非关于对10月7日事件及其恐怖后果的清算。它是一面镜子，折射出一个法西斯化的定居者社会，该社会通过否认和非人化土著“他者”，以此逃避并将其自身正在进行的种族灭绝行为常态化。尽管内塔尼亚胡可能成为替罪羊，但替换他并不能解决统治的深层机制，反而可能使其进一步巩固。
Thus, this election is not about a reckoning with October 7 or its horrifying aftermath. It is a lens onto a fascistic settler society engaged in denial and dehumanisation of an Indigenous “other” as a means of evading and normalising its own ongoing genocidal actions. Although Netanyahu may become the scapegoat, replacing him does not address the underlying machinery of domination and may instead serve to entrench it further.
那套机制依然稳固运转。自10月7日以来爆发的暴力与犹太复国主义殖民扩张主义的长期历史之间的连续性显而易见，除了如何改进和润滑种族灭绝的运作机制外，未吸取任何教训。恐惧、受害者心态以及将一个永久被围困的“我们”与非人化的“他们”对立起来的建构，持续制造着对进一步侵略和扩张的共识。
That machinery remains firmly in place. The continuity between the violence unleashed since October 7 and the longer history of Zionist colonial expansionism is striking, with no lessons learned other than how to improve and grease the machinations of genocide. Fear, victimhood and the construction of a permanently besieged “us” against a dehumanised “them” continue to produce consent for further aggression and expansion.
因此，10月7日已非真正清算的契机，而成为逃避清算的又一手段。内塔尼亚胡试图将袭击责任聚焦于他知道什么、何时知道的问题上，而将以色列此后所作所为的更广泛记录基本排除在选举辩论之外。与此同时，他的对手也有自己的共谋与野心需作交代。因此，鲜有政治意愿对10月7日进行真正的清算。对内塔尼亚胡的执着关注，让更广泛的政治建制派和以色列社会得以避免直面他们仍深陷其中的统治体系。
October 7, therefore, has become not an occasion for genuine reckoning but another means of avoiding one. Netanyahu seeks to focus responsibility for the attacks on questions of what he knew and when while leaving the much broader record of what Israel has done since largely outside the electoral debate. His opponents, meanwhile, have their own complicity and ambitions to answer for. Thus, there is little political interest in a genuine reckoning with October 7. The fixation on Netanyahu allows the wider political establishment and Israeli society to avoid confronting the system of domination in which they remain invested.