
国防部长皮特·赫格塞斯的「子午线计划」酝酿着利益冲突在一次涵盖广泛议题的演讲中,国防部长皮特·赫格塞斯近日宣布,他将成立一个名为「子午线计划」的小组,研究未来战争的形态。该小组将由三人领导:SpaceX的埃隆·马斯克、Anduril的帕尔默·拉基,以及前众议院议长纽特·金里奇(共和党-佐治亚州)。
Hegseth’s ‘Project Meridian’ is a conflict of interest in the making In a speech that covered a lot of ground, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth announced recently that he was creating a panel called “Project Meridian,” to look at the future of warfare. It will be led by three individuals: Elon Musk of SpaceX, Palmer Luckey of Anduril, and former Georgia House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.).
马斯克和拉基受命领衔该小组,本应在国会山敲响警钟。两人均掌管着已从五角大楼获得数十亿美元合同的公司。若未来战略严重依赖自动化战争、无人平台及其他AI驱动系统,他们在未来几十年内有望再赚数十亿乃至数百亿美元。
The appointment of Musk and Luckey to head the panel should sound alarm bells on Capitol Hill. Both men lead companies that have received billions of dollars in Pentagon contracts. And if our future strategy relies heavily on automated warfare, uncrewed vehicles and other AI-driven systems, they stand to make tens or hundreds of billions more in the decades to come.
在理性的安全路径中,战略主导预算,预算采购契合战略的武器。此外,军事人员、其文职对口人员,以及日益壮大的政府承包商队伍,都需要接受培训,以有效使用这些系统。
In a rational approach to security, strategy drives budgets, and budgets purchase weapons that fit that strategy. In addition, military personnel, their civilian counterparts, and the growing ranks of government contractors need to be trained to use those systems effectively.
但这本教科书般的国防战略流程极少能如此顺利落地。行政部门内部在战略上存在分歧,包括何时值得发动战争——如当前与伊朗的冲突。国会在战争与和平的关键议题上也普遍意见不一。
But this textbook version of national defense strategy rarely plays out so neatly. There are disagreements on strategy within the executive branch, including on when it is worth launching wars like the current conflict with Iran. Congress is also generally divided on key issues of war and peace.
此外,武器采购决策往往取决于系统在哪里生产,而非是否符合连贯战略。国会常在预算中增加某型系统的采购数量,超出五角大楼的请求数,或阻止该部门退役其视为过时的系统。
In addition, decisions on weapons purchases too often hinge on where the systems are built, not whether they are aligned with a coherent strategy. Congress often adds more units of a given system to the budget than the Pentagon has requested, or prevents the department from retiring systems it sees as obsolete.
一个典型案例是F-35。尽管该机型最早在近40年前就被提出,但仍存在数百项缺陷,而且大约一半时间都在机库里维修,而不是执行实际任务。然而,以F-35通用名称命名的国会联合打击机议员团,由于其成员所在选区有该机的部件生产,常常在预算中加入的F-35数量超过五角大楼的需求。
A case in point is the F-35, which has hundreds of defects despite first being proposed nearly 40 years ago, and which spends roughly half its time in the hangar being repaired rather than being deployed on actual missions. Yet the Congressional Joint Strike Fighter Caucus, named after the generic term for the F-35 and made up of members with components of the plane built in their districts, frequently adds more F-35s to the budget than the Pentagon asks for.
再看沿海作战舰,该舰本应是一艘扫雷舰、用于靠近海岸投送特种作战部队的载具等。海军认为该舰不适合与中国的潜在冲突,因为它难以防御现代高速导弹。但来自这些舰艇维护和修理所在州的国会议员阻止海军退役本计划中希望撤下的九艘舰艇中的五艘。
Or take the littoral combat ship, which was supposed to be a minesweeper, a vehicle for getting close to shore to insert Special Operations forces, and more. The Navy decided that the ship was ill-suited to a potential conflict with China, because it could not easily defend itself from modern high-speed missiles. But members of Congress from the states where the ships are maintained and repaired blocked the Navy from retiring five of the nine ships it had hoped to terminate.
与此同时,由拥有洲际弹道导弹基地或本州从事重要弹道导弹工作的议员组成的参议院洲际弹道导弹联盟,已通过一项法律,规定空军不能削减目前部署的400枚导弹的规模。即便如前国防部长威廉·佩里等专家曾称这些导弹是“世界上最危险的武器之一”,因为在收到攻击警报时,总统只有几分钟的时间决定是否发射,增加了因误报而导致意外核冲突的风险,他们仍坚持通过该法案。
Meanwhile, the Senate ICBM Coalition, composed of members with Intercontinental Ballistic Missile bases or major ballistic missile work in their states, have passed a law stating that the Air Force cannot reduce the current deployed force of 400 missiles. They did this even though experts such as former Secretary of Defense William Perry have called these missiles “among the most dangerous weapons in the world,” because a president would only have a matter of minutes to decide whether to launch them on warning of an attack, increasing the risk of an accidental nuclear conflict provoked by a false alarm.
更雪上加霜的是,北方格鲁曼正在研发的新型洲际弹道导弹“哨兵”,其预计成本已比最初估算高出80%以上。
To add insult to injury, the new ICBM that is under development by Northrop Grumman, the Sentinel, now has a projected cost more than 80 percent more than original estimates.
面对这些现实,人们可能会问:“还能更糟到什么程度?”答案是:会更糟得多。
Given these realities, one might ask, “how much worse can it get?”The answer is, much worse.
尽管马斯克和卢凯伊等科技巨头声称要打造新一代更廉价、更高效的武器,但他们也在争夺特朗普总统提议的防泄漏“金穹顶”导弹防御系统中的关键角色。从美国物理学会、关心科学家联盟到《原子科学家公报》,多位专家都指出,“金穹顶”系统在物理上根本不可能实现,而且成本将高得惊人——保守派美国企业研究所的估算显示,未来三十年内可能需要一万亿美元甚至更多。
While tech moguls like Musk and Luckey promise to build a new generation of cheaper, more effective weapons, they are also competing for major roles in President Trump’s proposed leak-proof “Golden Dome” missile defense system. Experts ranging from the American Physical Society to the Union of Concerned Scientists to the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists have suggested the dome system would be physically impossible and enormously expensive — a trillion dollars or more over the next three decades, according to an estimate by the conservative American Enterprise Institute.
如果马斯克和卢凯伊等高管真希望以更低的成本打造有效的防御体系,他们就应该拒绝参与“金穹顶”项目。因为一旦全面推进,该项目可能会成为五角大楼历史上最巨大的浪费——而这一评价本身已经相当严厉。
If executives like Musk and Luckey truly want to create an effective defense for less, they should refuse to work on Golden Dome, which, if fully pursued, could be the greatest boondoggle in the history of Pentagon spending — and that’s saying a lot.
这又让我们回到了“子午线计划”。让大型武器承包商负责制定战略,而这一战略根据其主要框架,还可能大幅提升他们自身公司的财富,简直是荒谬至极。除非把那些关于“击败中国”的挑衅性公开言论,或承诺通过科技奇迹确保美国军事永久霸权的言论也算作专业背景,否则马斯克和卢凯伊在地缘政治或国防战略方面都毫无经验。
Which brings us back to Project Meridian. Putting major weapons contractors in charge of forging a strategy, that, depending on its main outlines, could greatly enrich their own companies is the height of folly. Neither Musk nor Luckey have any background in geopolitics or defense strategy, unless you count making provocative public statements about “beating China” or pledging to ensure permanent American military dominance through the wonders of technology.
任何称得上称道的战略家都不会认为,我们能够将国防完全寄托于科技之上。一支有效的国防力量,应当以训练有素、士气高昂的士兵为基础,这些士兵既理解战争法则,也明白他们的首要忠诚对象是宪法,而非任何一位总统。科技只是工具,而非赢得冲突或威慑战争的关键。
No strategist worthy of the name believes that we can bet our defenses on technology alone. An effective defense force should be grounded on well-trained, well-motivated troops who understand the laws of war and understand that their primary loyalty is to the Constitution, not any single president. Technology is just a tool, not the key to winning conflicts or deterring war.
如果我们想对战争的未来进行真正深思熟虑的评估,就应当重新构建“子午线计划”,让那些在其讨论中没有经济利益的领袖参与——包括科学家、曾经作战的军人、经验丰富的外交官、学术专家、与五角大楼没有业务往来的行业领袖以及武器工业的工人。
If we want a genuinely thoughtful assessment of the future of warfare, we should recast Project Meridian with leaders who don’t have a financial stake in its deliberations — one that includes scientists, military personnel who have seen combat, experienced diplomats, academic experts, leaders of industries that don’t do business with the Pentagon, and workers from the arms industry.
像埃隆·马斯克和帕尔默·卢基这样的高管应被视为供应商,我们会根据其产品的表现以及其是否符合聪明、现实的安全战略来决定是否购买。他们不是战略家,我们不应指望他们承担这一关键任务。威廉·D·哈通是政府监督项目的首席顾问。
Executives like Elon Musk and Palmer Luckey should be treated as vendors whose products we will buy or not based on their performance, as well as their alignment with a smart, realistic security strategy. They are not strategists, and we should not look to them to perform that critical task. William D. Hartung is principal adviser to the Project on Government Oversight.