本月，在巴黎东部举行的一场学生示威活动中，一排防暴警察用盾牌阻挡着一群年轻男性抗议者。
During a student demonstration in eastern Paris this month, a row of riot police officers pushed their shields against a group of young male protesters.
在这些男孩与警察之间，站着一位身材高大的男子，他身着灰色西装，系着淡紫色领带。他张开双臂，试图保护那些男孩，同时大声喊道：“住手！”此人便是巴利·巴加约科，他是巴黎人口最多、种族最为多元的郊区之一——圣但尼皮埃尔菲特苏塞纳的市长。该地以一座大教堂和国家体育场闻名，但也面临着贫困与犯罪率居高不下的问题。
Wedged between the boys and the police was a tall man, dressed in a gray suit and lavender tie. He spread his arms wide, shielding the boys, and screamed, “Stop!”That was Bally Bagayoko, the mayor of St.-Denis Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, one of Paris’ most populous and diverse suburbs, known for a basilica and the national stadium, as well as for high rates of poverty and crime. Bagayoko has become a household name in France since students started to blockade their schools roughly a month ago, calling for better conditions protests that were amplified by rallies and unrest on Saturday across France. .
大约一个月前，法国学生开始封锁校园以争取改善学习条件，巴加约科也因此声名大噪。上周六，法国各地又爆发了大规模集会与骚乱，进一步推高了他的知名度。
Footage of Bagayoko at the protests has featured regularly in social media and television news programs, to both applause and condemnation. His supporters have called him Spider-Man, a comic-book superhero who has become a symbol of youth protests across the world.
巴加约科在抗议现场的画面频繁出现在社交媒体及电视新闻中，引发了褒贬不一的反应。他的支持者称他为“蜘蛛侠”——这位漫画中的超级英雄早已成为全球青年抗议运动的象征。而包括右翼政客在内的反对者则指责他煽动暴力，要求将其免职。这一争议源于他曾表示：“在某种情况下，暴力或许具有正当性”，不过他也强调“只要能避免暴力，就应当尽量避免”。
Others, including right-wing politicians, have accused him of inciting violence and have called for him to be removed, particularly after he said that “violence at some point can be legitimate,” though “every time it can be avoided, that’s better.”For Bagayoko, 53, the backlash is a sign that his political opponents see his far-left party as a threat in next year’s presidential election. His party leader, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, buoyed by votes from cities, like Bagayoko’s, with higher numbers of immigrants, could make the runoff. “They believe a victory could come from the working-class neighborhoods embodied by this atypical mayor,” Bagayoko said in an interview, speaking about himself in the third person.
现年53岁的巴加约科认为，这些反对声音恰恰说明他的极左政党在明年的总统选举中构成了威胁。他的政党领袖让-吕克·梅朗雄得到了像圣但尼这样移民人口较多的城市的选民支持，极有可能进入总统选举第二轮。
“So they have to smear him. They have to disqualify him.”Critics say Bagayoko inflames division and should take the blame for acts of vandalism by protesters at school blockades that he has attended.
“他们认为，这场胜利可能来自那些以这位非传统的市长为代表的工人阶级社区，”巴加约科在采访中说道（他是以第三人称的方式谈论自己的）。 “因此，他们必须诋毁他、取消他的竞选资格。”批评者指出，巴加约科正在煽动社会分裂，并应对抗议者在学校周边设置的路障所造成的破坏行为负责。负责管理圣丹尼斯地区的中间偏右翼政府负责人瓦莱丽·佩克雷斯建议，巴加约科应该支付约11万美元来修复该市一所学校受损的校门。
Valérie Pécresse, the center-right head of the regional authority that contains St.-Denis, suggested that he should pay about $110,000 to repair a damaged gate at a school in his city. “Let the mayor take responsibility for his actions,” Pécresse said on social media. The criticism of Bagayoko started the night of his unexpected election in March. He was part of a wave of new mayors of color elected in the sprawling suburbs north of Paris.
“市长应该为自己的行为负责，”佩克雷斯在社交媒体上写道。对巴加约科的批评始于他意外当选的当晚（即3月份）。
Bagayoko’s victory attracted particular attention because St.-Denis Pierrefitte-sur-Seine is home to roughly 150,000 citizens, more than any other area on the edge of Paris. Hours after his win, Bagayoko was interviewed live on national television.
他是巴黎北部广阔郊区中当选的新任市长们中的一员。巴加约科的胜利格外引人注目，因为圣丹尼斯-皮埃尔里菲特-苏尔-塞纳（St.-Denis Pierrefitte-sur-Seine）拥有约15万居民，是巴黎周边所有地区中人口最多的。
A clip of the interview was truncated and misleadingly described by far-right politicians and journalists. He said he was now mayor of “la ville des rois,” or “the city of kings”; France’s former kings and queens are buried in the city’s basilica.
获胜数小时后，巴加约科接受了国家电视台的现场采访。然而，这段采访片段被截取后，被极右翼政客和记者们以误导性方式加以描述。巴加约科在采访中称自己如今是“国王之城”的市长——法国历代国王与王后均安葬在这座城市的教堂中。但那些误导性描述却称他称此地为“黑人之城”。随后，极右翼媒体“Frontières”的创始人还在国家电视台上谎称，是毒贩们推动巴加约科当选的。这位创始人质问道：“市长先生，您到底在为谁谋利呢？”
But the incorrect descriptions said he had called it “la ville des noirs,” or “the city of Black people.”Then, on national television, the founder of a far-right media outlet, Frontières, falsely claimed that drug dealers had pushed for Bagayoko’s election. “Whose pockets are you in, Mr. Mayor?” the founder asked. The following week, CNews, a television channel known for broadcasting far-right views, discussed Bagayoko’s election and his proposal to bar the police from using rubber bullets. A guest on the channel, noting that humans were “part of the great ape family,” compared the mayor to a “hunter-gatherer” leader “whose role is to establish authority.”The next day, a host on the channel described Bagayoko’s intention of asserting control over the police as “very tribal.”
接下来的一周，CNews电视台（该电视台以传播极右翼观点而闻名）讨论了Bagayoko的当选以及他提出的禁止警察使用橡胶子弹的提议。节目中的一位嘉宾指出，人类属于“大猿家族”，并将Bagayoko比作一位“狩猎采集者”式的领导者，认为其职责就是“建立权威”。第二天，该电视台的主持人将Bagayoko试图控制警察的举动形容为“非常原始（或：非常‘部落式’的”）。巴黎检察官办公室以“基于出身、种族、国籍或宗教的公开侮辱”为由对该电视台展开了调查，但CNews对此指控予以否认。
The Paris prosecutor’s office opened an investigation into the channel for “public insult based on origin, ethnicity, nationality, race or religion,” an accusation that CNews rejected. Through it all, Bagayoko remained calm and kept smiling. As a Black man, he said in an interview, “No one would have forgiven me for losing my temper on a TV set.”The onslaught made clear to him, he added, that France has yet to truly accept that citizens of an African background, like Bagayoko, are full members of French society.
在整个事件中，Bagayoko始终保持冷静，面带微笑。他在一次采访中表示：“如果我在电视上发怒，没人会原谅我。”他还补充说，这些攻击清楚地表明：法国尚未真正承认像Bagayoko这样的非洲裔公民也是法国社会的完整成员。法国的黑人（他们大多来自法国曾经的殖民地）在权力职位上的代表性仍然很低。
Black French, often descended from immigrants from France’s former colonies, are underrepresented in positions of power. “France still has a problem with its own children,” he said. “Because I am French.”Unlike many Black leaders in France, Bagayoko has made the issue a focus.
“法国在对待自己的公民方面仍然存在问题，”他说。“因为我就是法国人。”与法国的许多黑人领袖不同，Bagayoko将这个问题作为自己的核心议题。自当选以来，他组织了两次大型集会来谴责法国的种族主义现象；今年8月，他还推动了一项倡议，希望将种族主义问题纳入即将举行的总统选举的讨论范围。
Since his election, he has organized two large rallies to denounce racism in France, and in August, he helped start an initiative to make the issue part of the debate in the coming presidential election. Rokhaya Diallo, a journalist, filmmaker and prominent anti-racism activist in France, said, “Tackling systemic racism in France is very taboo.”“We don’t see many Black, proud politicians who are not afraid of naming racism,” she added. Bagayoko is also facing two judicial investigations.
法国著名记者、电影制作人及反种族主义活动家Rokhaya Diallo表示：“在法国，解决系统性种族主义问题是一个非常敏感、难以启齿的话题。”她补充说：“我们很少看到那些敢于公开指责种族主义的黑人政治家。”
The first concerns whether he, earlier in his career, was given a patronage job at the city’s transportation agency, an accusation he has denied. The second concerns claims that he incited violence after his comments last month about the legitimacy of violence during protests.
巴加约科目前还面临两项司法调查：第一项调查涉及他在职业生涯早期是否被安排到了该市交通局的一个“庇护性职位”（即一个没有实际工作内容的职位）；他对此予以否认。第二项调查则源于他上个月关于抗议活动中使用暴力行为的言论——有人指控他煽动了暴力行为。
Nonetheless, Bagayoko’s popularity — and social media following — has surged, with supporters comparing him with Zohran Mamdani, the left-wing mayor of New York. “He’s our Mamdani. He represents the same hope for people,” said Maxime Beauchamps, 21, a communications student who joined those surrounding Bagayoko at a recent rally, thanking him and asking for selfies and hugs.
尽管如此，巴加约科的受欢迎程度以及他在社交媒体上的粉丝数量却大幅上升，他的支持者们将他比作纽约的左翼市长佐兰·马姆达尼（Zohran Mamdani）。
The crowd at several points chanted: “Bally, président! Bally, président!”
“他就是我们的‘马姆达尼’，他代表着人们对未来的希望，”21岁的马克西姆·博尚（Maxime Beauchamps）说道。这位传播学专业的学生参加了最近的一场支持巴加约科的集会，他向巴加约科表示感谢，并请求与他合影、拥抱他。集会现场的人群多次高呼：“巴加约科，总统！”许多人认为他是自己的榜样。“他告诉我们：即使我们来自工人阶级社区，或者用社会学术语来说，来自‘弱势群体’，也不意味着我们就无法取得成功，”17岁的阿亚·盖蒂布（Aya Guetib）说。
Many said they saw him as a role model. “He shows us that just because we come from working-class neighborhoods or from ‘disadvantaged backgrounds,’ as they say in sociology, it doesn’t mean we can’t succeed,” said Aya Guetib, 17. Born in 1973, Bagayoko grew up in a housing project in St.-Denis. He was the second of eight children to parents from Mali, which was ruled by France for much of the 20th century.
巴加约科出生于1973年，在圣丹尼斯（St.-Denis）的一个住宅区长大。他是父母八个孩子中的第二个，他的父母来自马里——马里在20世纪大部分时间里都处于法国的统治之下。据他的弟弟亚亚·巴加约科（Yaya Bagayoko）介绍，由于他们的父亲需要长时间工作（担任机械师），巴加约科和他的哥哥们曾帮助母亲抚养其他兄弟姐妹。亚亚说：“巴加约科会检查兄弟姐妹们的作业，参加他们的学校活动，并在夏天为他们报名参加篮球训练营，以防止他们在家附近惹麻烦。”
Since their father worked long hours as a mechanic, Bagayoko and his older brother helped their mother raise their siblings in their crowded apartment, according to a younger brother, Yaya Bagayoko. He would go over his siblings’ homework and attend their school meetings, and he registered them for basketball camp in the summer so they weren’t hanging out in their neighborhood and getting into trouble, Yaya, 50, said. “Bally has always been the rock in the family,” Yaya added. “He can be super nice, but with us, he was pretty strict.”
“巴加约科一直是家里的支柱，”亚亚补充道，“他虽然非常友善，但对我们的要求却很严格。”巴加约科获得了地缘政治学的学士学位和科学技术硕士学位。他自己的硕士论文研究的是生活在像圣丹尼斯这样的工人阶级郊区的人们的思维方式。他打过半职业篮球，并在圣但尼给孩子们执教这项运动。
Bagayoko earned a bachelor’s degree in geopolitics and a master’s in science and technology. His thesis, he said, was on the mindset of people living in working-class suburbs like St.-Denis. He played semiprofessional basketball, and coached children in the sport in St.-Denis. In 2001, the communist mayor of St.-Denis, Patrick Braouezec, recruited Bagayoko to his electoral slate.
2001年，圣但尼的共产党市长帕特里克·布劳埃兹将巴加约科招募到他的选举名单上。巴加约科当选市议员，迅速成为副市长，并一直是该市政坛的常青树。
Bagayoko was elected to the City Council, swiftly becoming deputy mayor and remaining a fixture in city politics ever since. Diallo, the filmmaker, said: “There is no way you can do anything in St.-Denis without knowing him. He’s part of the local fabric.”
电影导演迪亚洛说：“在圣但尼，不认识他就什么都做不了。他是当地肌理的一部分。”2017年，巴加约科加入了极左翼的“法国不屈”党，他说，自己被该党对警察暴力、种族主义和伊斯兰恐惧症的批评所吸引。
In 2017, Bagayoko joined the far-left France Unbowed, attracted, he said, by the party’s criticism of police violence, racism and Islamophobia. After his election to the mayoralty in March, he made youth-focused policy a key part of his mandate.
今年3月当选市长后，他将以青年为导向的政策作为其施政的重点。
The city expanded a free school lunch program, offered free school supplies to elementary-school students and began a free bike program for 15-year-olds to make commuting to distant high schools easier.
该市扩大了免费学校午餐计划，向小学生提供免费学习用品，并为15岁青少年启动了免费自行车计划，以便他们更方便地前往远处的高中上学。
After the protests started last month, he was among the first politicians to join student blockades, including at his own alma mater in St.-Denis.
上个月抗议活动开始后，他是最早加入学生封锁行动的政客之一，包括在其母校所在的圣但尼。
While others criticize the students for vandalizing their schools, Bagayoko’s position is that the real violence is performed by the state.
当其他人批评学生破坏学校时，巴加约科的立场是，真正的暴力是由国家实施的。
It is a form of systemic violence, he contends, to offer a subpar education missing teachers, overcrowded classrooms, decaying infrastructure to children from already underprivileged backgrounds.
他认为，向来自弱势背景的儿童提供缺乏教师、教室拥挤、基础设施破旧的低劣教育，是一种系统性暴力。他说，这违背了法兰西共和国对所有公民平等的基本承诺。
That, he says, breaks a fundamental promise of the French Republic of equality for all citizens. “We grew up with an ideal, which is to say that the Republic must be fair to everyone, and it isn’t,” he said.
“我们成长时怀有一个理想，即共和国必须对每个人公平，但事实并非如此，”他说。
He also accuses the police of using disproportionate force against student protesters, saying officers were more aggressive against those from working-class neighborhoods.
他还指责警察对学生抗议者使用过度武力，称警员对来自工人阶级社区的学生更具攻击性。“这些来自工人阶级社区的孩子们正遭受着蔑视，”他说。巴加约科对自己在法国国家中的角色持矛盾态度。
“There is a contempt directed at these kids from working-class neighborhoods,” he said. Bagayoko expresses ambivalence about his role within the French state. In his office, he has kept a portrait of President Emmanuel Macron on the floor, instead of on the wall, as it is in most public offices in France.
在他的办公室里，他把法国总统埃马纽埃尔·马克龙的肖像放在地上，而不是挂在墙上，这与法国大多数公共办公室的做法不同。今年夏天，他表示，当“法国因其国际行为而自取其辱”时，包括对以色列的批评不够彻底时，嘘声对国歌是可以理解的。当他与学生一起参与抗议活动时，他特意不佩戴象征法国民选官员的三色带，他说这会让他感到与人群疏离。
He said this summer that booing the national anthem was understandable, when “France dishonors itself through its international actions,” including by not going far enough in its criticism of Israel. And when he wades into protests with students, he makes a point to not wear his three-colored sash the symbol of elected officials in France. It makes him feel separated from people, he said.
但他明确表示，在抗议游行中会举着法国国旗，身边围着像他一样是移民子女的年轻人。
But he has been clear to hold a French national flag when marching in protests, surrounded by young people who, like him, are the children of immigrants.
他说，他想传达的信息是：“无论有些人怎么想，我们都是完全的法国人。”
The message he is sending, he says, is, “We are fully French, regardless of what some people might think.”