字号·· | 护眼
半岛电视台

法国政府躲在“骚乱”叙事背后The French government is hiding behind a ‘riots’ narrative

点「原文对照」整页切到原文,或双击某段只看那段的原文。

2026年10月24日,法国马赛,抗议者在工会组织的一次获准示威活动中与警方对峙。[Manon Cruz/路透社]Protesters face the police during an authorised demonstration organised by a labour union in Marseille, France on October 24, 2026 [Manon Cruz/Reuters]

法国暴力骚乱的画面传遍了世界各地。被砸碎的店面橱窗、被毁坏的财产、抢劫行为以及熊熊燃烧的烈火,理所当然地引发了愤怒与谴责。

Images from the violent unrest in France have travelled around the world. Smashed shop windows, destroyed property, acts of looting and raging fires have rightly caused outrage and condemnation.

对于肇事者的动机,并没有单一的解释。当然,有一些投机取巧的“犯罪分子”利用了此类局势。但与此同时,公众积压多年的愤怒也因生活条件的恶化和变革诉求的长期得不到回应而彻底爆发。

There is no single explanation of the motives of the perpetrators. There are certainly opportunistic “criminal elements” who take advantage of such situations. But there is also a lot of public anger that has boiled over after it had simmered for years as living conditions have deteriorated and demands for changes have been left unanswered.

法国政府充分利用了这些暴力行为,以此为由证明其对示威活动采取过度安全化的应对措施是合理的,并借此逃避公众对其自身治理失败的审视。混乱的画面让当权者能够伪装成公共秩序的捍卫者,而他们自己却在积极破坏这种秩序。

The French government has taken full advantage of these violent acts, using them to justify the overly securitised response to the protests and to avoid public scrutiny for the failure to address its own failures. The images of chaos allow those in power to pose as the defenders of a public order they have actively helped undermine.

然而,这些暴力行为不能使法国各地学生大规模动员背后的理由失去合法性。它们也不应转移人们对所发生的残酷警察暴力的关注。

These acts of violence, however, cannot delegitimise the reasons behind the mass mobilisation of students across France. They also must not distract from the brutal police violence that has unfolded.

14岁的伊登(Eden)被警察发射器发射的催泪瓦斯弹击中,导致下颌骨折,牙齿脱落。16岁的马埃尔(Mael)在疑似被警察的橡胶子弹击中后,一只眼睛失明。15岁的埃文(Evan)的一只手被警察的眩晕手榴弹炸断。

Fourteen-year-old Eden suffered a fractured jaw and had teeth knocked out by a tear gas grenade fired from a police launcher. Sixteen-year-old Mael lost the sight in one eye after a suspected hit from a police rubber bullet. Fifteen-year-old Evan had a hand blown off by a police stun grenade.

截至10月14日,自9月抗议活动开始以来,已有7950人被警方拘留,其中85%是未成年人。10月17日的抗议活动后,又有2700人被拘留。昨天,警方又逮捕了1000人。

By October 14, 7,950 people had been placed in police custody since the protests began in September, 85 percent of them minors. A further 2,700 were taken into custody following the October 17 protests. Yesterday, police made another 1,000 arrests.

惊人的拘留规模和数万名警察的动员,使这成为本世纪受到最严厉镇压的抗议运动之一。

The staggering scale of detention and the mobilisation of tens of thousands of police officers make this one of the most heavily repressed protest movements of this century.

但学生们抗议的还有社会匮乏带来的那种更隐蔽的暴力,而这种暴力在公共叙事中很大程度上被忽视了。

But there is also the quieter violence of social deprivation that the students are protesting and that has largely been ignored in the public narrative.

在法国各地,日益贫困的感觉年复一年地加深。贫困率已达到自20世纪90年代以来的最高水平,有980万人生活在官方贫困线以下。与此同时,据乐施会(Oxfam)统计,53位法国亿万富翁拥有的财富相当于法国近一半人口的财富总和。不断恶化的社会经济状况对法国教育系统造成了沉重打击。

Across France, the sense of growing impoverishment deepens year after year. Poverty rates are the highest they have been since the 1990s, with 9.8 million people living under the official poverty line. Meanwhile, 53 French billionaires own as much wealth as nearly half of the French population, according to Oxfam. Deteriorating socioeconomic conditions have hit the French educational system hard.

在马约特岛的阿库阿(Acoua),北城中学(Cite du Nord secondary school)早在8月31日就遭到封锁。远在巴黎地区的抗议活动引起关注之前,家长和教职员工就已经走上街头,要求改善学习和教学条件。

In Acoua, on the island of Mayotte, the Cite du Nord secondary school was blockaded as early as August 31. Long before protests in the Paris region attracted attention, parents and staff came out in protest to demand better learning and teaching conditions.

这所学校原本为900名学生建造,如今却容纳了2300名学生,教室拥挤且通风不良。除了人员短缺外,学校还面临供水故障和厕所卫生状况恶劣的问题。

Built for 900 pupils, this school accommodates 2,300 in cramped, poorly ventilated classrooms. Alongside staff shortages, the school also struggles with water supply failures and unsanitary conditions in toilets.

在巴黎郊区的塞夫朗(Sevran),布莱兹-桑德拉尔中学(Blaise-Cendrars secondary school)的学生和教师自2024年以来一直抱怨漏水、发霉、厕所无法使用以及课桌椅短缺等问题。

In Sevran, a suburb of Paris, pupils and teachers at Blaise-Cendrars secondary school have complained since 2024 about water leaks, mould, unusable toilets, and shortages of tables and chairs.

在另一个巴黎郊区庞坦(Pantin)的马塞兰-贝特洛中学(Marcelin-Berthelot secondary school),窗户已经无法打开,而热浪有时会带来高达40摄氏度的高温。

At Marcelin-Berthelot secondary school in Pantin, another Parisian suburb, windows no longer open at a time when heatwaves can bring temperatures as high as 40C.

同样位于巴黎郊区的巴尼奥莱(Bagnolet),波利策中学(Politzer secondary school)的教职员工、学生和家长在9月下旬得知饮用水不安全,尽管该校在6月份曾进行过水质检测。

At Politzer secondary school in Bagnolet, also a Parisian suburb, staff, pupils and parents learnt in late September that the water was unsafe to drink, although it had been tested in June.

这些只是全国范围内教育基础设施迅速恶化趋势的几个例子,在贫困地区尤为严重。

These are just a few examples of a countrywide trend of an educational infrastructure that is fast deteriorating, especially in impoverished areas.

学生实际接受的教育水平下降,使这一问题更加严峻。根据教育部自己的数据,2024至2025学年,法国公立中学未完成的教学时数达2020万小时(不含马约特岛),几乎占预定课时的十分之一。其中,1500万小时是因为缺勤教师未得到替补而损失的。

This is compounded by the erosion of the level of education pupils actually receive. According to the education ministry’s own figures, 20.2 million teaching hours were not delivered in state secondary schools in 2024–25, excluding Mayotte: almost one in 10 scheduled hours. Of these, 15 million were lost because absent teachers were not replaced.

据法国经济学家卢卡斯·尚塞尔(Lucas Chancel)称,自2017年埃马纽埃尔·马克龙(Emmanuel Macron)上台以来,政府在每名学生身上的支出已下降了20%。

According to French economist Lucas Chancel, since 2017, when Emmanuel Macron came to power, government spending per student has declined by 20 percent.

这就是法国学生要求当权者结束的结构性暴力。政府非但没有倾听,反而以镇压手段和叙事操弄作为回应。

This is the structural violence French students are asking those in power to end. Instead of listening, the government has responded with repressive tactics and narrative spin.

马克龙在向公众发表讲话时表示,他理解学生们,但他并没有像支持警察那样表达对学生的支持。周五与20名学生的会面仅换来了一项改革大学入学平台的承诺,而并未解决学生们的核心诉求。

In his address to the public, Macron said he understood the students, but he did not express support for them the way he did for police officers. A meeting with 20 students on Friday resulted in a promise to reform the university entrance platform – not to address the students’ key demands.

马克龙加倍推行安全“解决方案”,部署了7万名警察,并誓言要禁止抗议活动。他指责“极左翼”企图“推翻共和国”。

Macron has doubled down on the security “solution”, deploying 70,000 police officers and pledging to ban protests. He has accused the “far left” of seeking to “bring down the republic”.

与此同时,总理塞巴斯蒂安·勒科尔尼(Sebastien Lecornu)呼吁左翼“选边站”:是选择等同于警察的共和国,还是选择暴乱者及其“暴力议程”。仿佛参与抗议就等同于攻击国家。

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Sebastien Lecornu has called on the left to “choose a side”: the Republic equated with the police, or the rioters and their “violent agenda”. As if taking part in a protest amounted to an attack on the state.

不出所料,极右翼正沉浸在似乎席卷全国的混乱之中,通过聚焦于被拍到实施暴力行为的人员的所谓出身,来掩盖这些需求。一些极右翼政客谴责“外来血统的暴徒大军”,另一些人则呼吁扩大权力以剥夺人们的公民身份。

Unsurprisingly, the far right is revelling in the chaos that appears to be engulfing the country, obscuring these needs by focusing on the presumed origins of people filmed committing acts of violence. Some far-right politicians have denounced the “hordes of thugs of foreign origin”, others have called for broader powers to strip people of their citizenship.

这种言论对马克龙的政治阵营非常有利,因为它使该阵营能够再次将自己呈现为抵御极右翼的最后一道防线,要求普通民众因恐惧而非因其执政记录而团结在他们身后。选民们正面临着一个日益黯淡的选择:是在那些激起他们愤怒的人,与那些试图将这种愤怒转化为种族仇恨的人之间做出抉择。

This rhetoric serves Macron’s political camp well as it allows it to present itself once again as the last defence against the far right, asking the general population to rally behind out of fear rather than because of its governance record. Voters are offered an increasingly bleak choice between those who have fuelled their anger and those seeking to turn it into racial hatred.

目前看来,政府似乎无意真正满足学生们的要求。这样做意味着要直面马克龙总统任期内的优先事项:保护少数人的财富,而抛弃大多数人。

At this point, it is clear the government does not seem interested in genuinely addressing the demands of the students is in the cards. Doing so would mean confronting the priorities of Macron’s presidency: protecting the wealth of the few and abandoning the many.

相反,政府将等待这场运动自行耗尽,或是因恐惧而减弱,又或是因动乱而名誉扫地,直到它自然消亡。

Instead, the government will wait for the movement to exhaust itself, be weakened by fear or be discredited by unrest, until it dies out on its own.

然而,这一策略是失败的。即使这场抗议运动最终不了了之,很快也会有新的运动取而代之。在生活条件持续恶化的情况下,法国人民不可能永远被恐惧所裹挟而安于现状。

This strategy, however, is a failed one. Even if this protest movement fizzles out, a new one will soon replace it. The French people cannot be scared into complacency forever while their living conditions continue to deteriorate.

阅读媒体原文 ↗