A mock-up of the New Generation Fighter for the Future Combat Air System is displayed during the Paris Air Show in France on June 18, 2023. | Julien de Rosa/AFP via Getty Images BERLIN — Germany faces a consequential choice over building its next fighter jet: join an existing project with the U.K., Italy and Japan, or develop a new aircraft with Sweden and Spain. The decision will shape its military capabilities and diplomatic alliances for decades.

Defense ministry assessments favor partnering with Stockholm and Madrid, citing military requirements and opportunities for German industry, while chancellery officials, according to industry and diplomatic officials who spoke with POLITICO on the basis of anonymity to discuss sensitive issues, see diplomatic advantages in aligning with London.

“On the one hand, all countries want to support their national industries,” Defense Minister Boris Pistorius told lawmakers in September, asked about European defense cooperation following FCAS's collapse. “At the same time, everyone ... also wants joint European armaments projects,” he said. “Resolving this dilemma is no simple matter.”Berlin's overarching goal is to become less dependent on American military technology. And while that ambition predates Washington's increasingly unpredictable approach to European security, President Donald Trump’s threats to leave NATO and criticism of allies have raised the stakes.

At a campaign rally last week, the U.S. president warned that America would have “no choice but to leave” Europe — implying American troops on bases — if its leaders failed to change course on immigration. He also criticized NATO allies for refusing to support Washington’s war against Iran.

Ukraine’s recent difficulties with American-controlled SpaceX satellite communications, delays in deliveries of American-made air defense missiles and problems with intelligence sharing have also highlighted how countries relying on U.S. technology can remain vulnerable to decisions made in Washington.

The fighter jet decision is the most immediate test of a broader effort: Germany is also planning its own military satellite communications network that could cost €10 billion, and is working with Britain to develop European long-range missiles capable of striking targets more than 2,000 kilometers away. It also aims to meet NATO’s core defense spending target of 3.5 percent of GDP by 2029 — six years ahead of the alliance’s deadline.

But spending more will not automatically make it militarily independent. Germany cannot develop every advanced weapon by itself, so it needs partners that can deliver military capabilities while giving Germany a lasting role in developing and controlling them.

The collapse showed how partner disputes can tie up billions in taxpayer money in delays and abandoned ambitions. Now Germany’s immediate challenge is finding a replacement.

Emmanuel Macron and Friedrich Merz give a press conference in Brühl, Germany on July 17, 2026. | Ina Fassbender/AFP via Getty Images One possibility comes from Britain, which is already developing a next-generation aircraft with Italy and Japan under the Global Combat Air Programme, or GCAP. During a visit to Berlin earlier this month, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham offered Germany the opportunity to join.

For London, German participation could help share the enormous costs of developing one of the world’s most advanced military aircraft. For Berlin, joining an existing program could offer a path forward without having to establish an entirely new project.

But the proposal has met with reservations within Germany’s defense ministry. As POLITICO previously reported, internal ministry assessments recommend pursuing a new fighter program with Sweden and Spain instead.

German officials fear joining GCAP would leave domestic industry with little say over key technologies and production, since responsibilities are already divided among the existing partners. Defense ministry officials see advantages in the Swedish option, including more compatible military requirements and greater opportunities for German industry. But that may not necessarily align with Berlin's broader diplomatic ambitions.

Two political approaches Germany and Britain have been strengthening their relationship after Brexit, including with a new friendship treaty focused in part on security and defense, and cooperation on long-range missiles. A jet partnership would deepen those ties further, tying the two countries together in one of Europe’s most strategically significant defense projects.

According to an official familiar with Airbus’ thinking, granted anonymity to speak freely on sensitive issues, officials in the chancellery appear drawn to GCAP partly because of those geopolitical advantages.

For Berlin’s political leadership, closer defense ties with Britain could help keep a major European military power and key NATO ally closely involved in the continent’s security as Europe is pushed to assume greater responsibility for its own defense.

That leaves Germany weighing the potential diplomatic gains of partnering with Britain against the military and industrial priorities officials see in a project with Sweden.

Diplomacy ahead The political calculations could become more pressing in the coming weeks.

Merz is scheduled to visit Japan on Wednesday, offering an opportunity to discuss Germany's possible involvement in GCAP with one of the program's founding members. Japan's agreement would be essential to any German entry, while Tokyo is particularly concerned about preserving the 2035 deadline, as its aging F-2 fighter jets are due to begin retiring around then.

During Burnham’s visit, he and Merz agreed to task their defense teams with examining the prospect of German participation. Industry and diplomatic officials expect Merz to raise the issue during his visit to Japan.

For Merz and Pistorius, the challenge is to choose partners who can help Germany build up its defense capabilities while advancing its political, military and industrial interests.