说句公道话，南希·佩洛西：她痛恨失败者。在一个充满高风险竞争的选举周期中，密歇根州的参议院竞选独树一帜。
Say this much for Nancy Pelosi: She hates a loser. In an election cycle full of high-stakes contests, Michigan’s Senate race stands alone.
其结果很可能在争夺国会参议院控制权的斗争中起决定性作用——而两位候选人的品格和价值观之间的鸿沟深不见底。
Its outcome could very well be decisive in the battle for control of Congress’ upper chamber — and the chasm between the two candidates’ character and values is cavernous.
共和党人迈克·罗杰斯是一名前众议员，他曾担任众议院情报委员会主席，以跨党派合作著称。
Republican Mike Rogers is an ex-congressman who distinguished himself as the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee by extending a hand across the aisle.
当罗杰斯忙于这项至关重要的两党工作时，民主党提名人阿卜杜勒·埃尔-赛义德却在公开信中敦促那位明确反美、与穆斯林兄弟会有关联、妄图独裁的埃及领导人，对批评者进行更严厉的镇压。
While Rogers was busy with this vital, bipartisan work, Democratic nominee Abdul El-Sayed wasg open letters urging the explicitly anti-American, Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated would-be dictator of Egypt to crack down even harder on his critics.
但最重要的是，罗杰斯与埃尔-赛义德的对决，可能决定民主党能否守住其灵魂。埃尔-赛义德的竞选活动毫不掩饰他持续的意识形态极端主义。
Most importantly of all, though, the Rogers-El-Sayed showdown may determine whether the Democratic Party holds on to its very soul. El-Sayed’s campaign has left no doubt as to his continued ideological extremism.
在民主党初选期间，他特意与哈桑·皮克同台造势，后者是一位反犹太主义者、靠裙带关系上位的“9·11”袭击辩护者。
During the Democratic primary, he made a point of stumping alongside Hasan Piker, the antisemitic, nepo-baby 9/11 apologist.
当时，他辩称民主党“至关重要”地需要接纳皮克；如今，一旦被问及两人的关系，他便勃然大怒，将皮克轻描淡写为加利福尼亚的一名“主播”。但记录显示，他们依然拥有同一套令人作呕的世界观。
At the time, he argued it was “critical” that Democrats embrace Piker; nowadays, he bristles over questions about their relationship, dismissing him as a mere “streamer in California.”But the record shows that they still share the same revolting worldview.
皮克将全国和全球范围内反犹太事件的可怕激增归咎于犹太人自身。
Piker faults Jews themselves for the terrifying rise in antisemitic incidents across the country and world.
而在今年早些时候密歇根州一座犹太教堂遭遇未遂恐怖袭击后，埃尔-赛义德也采纳了同一套逻辑。
And El-Sayed embraced the same logic after the foiled terrorist attack on a Wolverine State synagogue earlier this year.
皮克在滑向《锡安长老议定书》式阴谋论的深渊中，对塔克·卡尔森产生了一种奇怪的新敬意。而埃尔-赛义德则在竞选广告中启用了卡尔森。
Piker has developed a strange new respect for Tucker Carlson amidst his descent into Protocols of the Elders of Zion-land. And El-Sayed is featuring Carlson in campaign ads.
皮克曾宣称“美国活该遭遇9·11”。而埃尔-赛义德曾暗示，美国对袭击的回应比那个悲伤的九月早晨发生的事件本身更糟糕。
Piker once declared that “America deserved 9/11.”And El-Sayed once suggested that America’s response to it was worse than the events of that sad September morning.
这位政客试图给自己留出比那位煽动性广播主持人稍大一点的合理否认空间，但也仅仅是稍大一点而已。脉络清晰：如果不是犹太人的错，那就是美国的错。
The politician has tried to grant himself a bit more plausible deniability than the shock-jock, but only barely. The through-line is clear: If the Jews aren’t to blame, then the United States is.
至于激进伊斯兰教，其恶行总能被解释为那两个最爱的替罪羊之一的副产品。当然，除非它们被公开歌颂。像埃尔-赛义德这样的人能赢得民主党重要提名，令人担忧。
And as for radical Islam, its misdeeds can always be explained away as a byproduct of one of those two favorite boogeymen. When they’re not being outright celebrated, of course. That someone like El-Sayed could win a major Democratic nomination is of concern.
党内如此之多人争相站在他身后，简直是五级警报（危机最高等级）。
That so much of the party has eagerly lined up behind him is a five-alarm fire.
贝拉克·奥巴马及其“播客兄弟”追随者、《母亲琼斯》杂志和《堡垒》网站、查克·舒默和埃莉萨·斯洛特金——他们全都比埃尔-赛义德找新借口指责以色列还要快地屈膝投降。但一向务实的佩洛西却在犹豫。
Barack Obama and his Pod Bro groupies, MS NOW and The Bulwark, Chuck Schumer and Elissa Slotkin — they all bent the knee faster than El-Sayed could find a new problem to pin on Israel. But the ever-pragmatic Pelosi is balking.
在最近一次采访中，佩洛西称埃尔-赛义德和佐赫兰·马姆达尼对世界上唯一犹太国家的看法“错误”后，她沉吟道：“密歇根州的这个新人，我们要看看他能不能当选。”虽然她后来澄清说希望他当选，但她的言论道出了一个更大的真相。
After calling El-Sayed and Zohran Mamdani’s views on the world’s only Jewish state “wrong” during one recent interview, Pelosi mused, “This new person in Michigan, we’ll see if he gets elected.”And while she later clarified that she hopes he does, her comments spoke to a larger truth.
理智、爱国的民主党人能否夺回他们的党，取决于埃尔-赛义德下周能否落选。左翼的本性就是推己向极端。
Sane, patriotic Democrats’ chances of taking back their party depend on El-Sayed falling short next week. The left, by its very nature, pushes itself toward extremism.
进步派自认为站在历史正确的一边，是为乌托邦而战的战士，他们认为只有可被压制的偏见和贪婪——而非不可改变的人性——才能阻挡乌托邦的实现。
Progressives believe themselves to be on the right side of history, soldiers fighting for a utopia that only suppressible bigotry and greed — rather than immutable human nature — could ever block.
这种有毒的误解，加上投机顺从者的野心，造就了民主党中那个反犹、反美、男性即女性且女性即男性的派系。
That poisonous misimpression, paired with the ambition of self-serving conformists, is what’s empowered the antisemitic, anti-American, men-are-women-and-women-are-men wing of the Democratic Party.
温和派毫无机会——除非他们能给党内对手教训一堂关于自我激进化后果的惨痛、无可辩驳的课。如果体制派民主党在乎什么，那就是权力。
The moderates don’t stand a chance — unless they’re able to teach their intra-party rivals a hard, irrefutable lesson about the consequences of their self-radicalization. If there’s one thing that institutional Democrats care about, it’s power.
佩洛西曾极度厌恶亚历山德拉·奥卡西奥-科尔特斯，直到后者证明自己已成为全国性的政治力量，这位老将随即摇身一变，成了这位后起之秀最大的粉丝。
Pelosi despised Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez until she proved herself a national force, at which point the old hand became the upstart’s biggest fan.
格雷厄姆·普拉特纳保住了党内支持，直到显而易见他在大选中将惨败为止。
Graham Platner retained the party’s support until it became clear he was going to get thrashed in a general election.
比尔·克林顿、泰德·肯尼迪、伊尔汗·奥马尔；厌女症、过失杀人、欺诈——对该党而言，这些都不重要，因为这些无赖赢得了选举。
Bill Clinton, Ted Kennedy, Ilhan Omar; misogyny, manslaughter, and fraud — none of it mattered to the party because these knaves won elections.
尽管如此，埃尔-赛义德的参选依然困扰着那些有良知的民主党人。
Still, El-Sayed’s candidacy has haunted Democrats of conscience.
他的初选对手海莉·史蒂文斯正步步紧逼，并在是否支持他一事上摇摆不定。
His primary opponent, Haley Stevens, is holding his feet to the fire and waffling on her support.
众议员丹·戈德曼（民主党-纽约州）要求埃尔-赛义德与一个外部团体的广告划清界限，该广告重复了反犹太主义论调，呼应了这位候选人自己的言论。
Rep. Dan Goldman (D-NY) has demanded that El-Sayed disavow an outside group’s ad repeating antisemitic talking points that echo the candidate’s own rhetoric.
甚至连佩洛西——这位冷酷、极度党派化的政治操盘手——也承认，埃尔-赛义德的缺陷是道德层面的。
Even Pelosi, the ruthless, hyperpartisan operator, conceded that El-Sayed’s failings are moral ones.
但如果没有一个激励人心的事件赋予他们勇气采取真正的立场，这些力量几乎无法扭转其党的急剧衰落。
But without a galvanizing event to grant them the courage to take a real stand, these forces stand little chance of reversing their party’s precipitous decline.
埃尔-赛义德在一场关键竞选中落败，而在其他地方却出现蓝色浪潮，这将正好构成这样一个事件。密歇根州如何，民主党便如何。
El-Sayed’s defeat in a critical race amid an otherwise cresting Blue Wave would be just such an event. As goes Michigan, so go the Democrats.
因此，每一位热血美国人——尤其是那些关心“驴党”未来的人——都应当希望密歇根州在周二拒绝埃尔-赛义德。
And that’s why every red-blooded American — and especially those invested in Team Donkey’s future — ought to be pulling for Michigan to reject El-Sayed on Tuesday.