US presidents have often focused more on foreign policy toward the end of their terms, especially when Congress has fallen under the full control of the opposing party. That’s because they have broad powers over war and diplomacy, areas in which Congress has limited ways to constrain them.

Both Barack Obama and George W. Bush, who spent their final two years in office with a Congress controlled by the opposing party, used that time to push foreign policies that became some of the most consequential moves of their terms.

The Democrats who wrested control of both the House of Representatives and Senate from President Donald Trump’s Republican Party in Nov. 3 midterm elections can try to tie the president’s hands through new legislation and control over government spending. But the president has broad authority of his own, including the power to veto bills and issue executive orders.

Here are five foreign policy realms where, despite the bruising midterm losses, the White House can look for room to maneuver once the new Congress convenes in early January.

In the run-up to the election, Trump held off on imposing new tariffs, but he retains wide latitude to do so. While the courts have curtailed Trump’s use of emergency powers to impose sweeping tariffs, he can still levy product- and country-specific duties under other trade laws, without seeking fresh approval from Congress.

When the Supreme Court ruled in February that Trump’s global tariffs were unlawful, the administration shifted to replacing those duties through narrower statutes. That included levying duties on imports from most major trading partners following investigations under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 into the alleged failure of these economies to prevent forced labor in their supply chains.

The administration has laid the groundwork for possible additional Section 301 levies with an investigation into concerns that more than a dozen major trading partners maintain excess manufacturing capacity. It also used a century-old law to impose 50% tariffs on a range of Canadian goods, and it has announced plans to expand so-called sectoral tariffs, which are imposed on specific product categories.

At the same time, leaders of the Democratic Party plan to force congressional votes on rolling back tariffs. The levies are widely blamed for fueling inflation, which Americans identified as a major voting issue in the election. That increases pressure on Trump to strike trade deals that would lower the tariffs.

As he demonstrated by ordering US forces to capture Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro and going to war with Iran, Trump is willing to lean into his broad national-security powers. While Congress, via defense spending, can squeeze the ambitions of the president, holders of the office have asserted broad authority as commander-in-chief to deploy US forces.

Trump has repeatedly threatened to intervene militarily in Cuba to force a change of regime there. And he’s left open the possibility of renewing large-scale attacks on Iran.

The Pentagon is operating under a continuing resolution that expires Dec. 11 and now faces the prospect of not being able to fund both a full-scale resumption of the Iran war and a munitions replenishment that are top Pentagon priorities. Congress has yet to embrace the administration’s $1.5 trillion fiscal 2027 defense budget request, a 44% increase from the prior year. The request includes $350 billion that the Republicans expect to approve before the session of the current Congress expires and the new Democratic-controlled body takes over in January.

With control of Congress, Democrats may try to increase US support for Ukraine, but Trump could veto any new aid package. On their own, Democrats don’t have the two-thirds majority in both the House and Senate required to overcome a presidential veto.

Congress has delegated broad authority over export controls and economic sanctions to the executive branch through laws including the Export Control Reform Act of 2018 and the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977.

The ECRA gives the executive branch authority to regulate the export and transfer of dual-use goods and empowers the Department of Commerce and the president to restrict transactions that threaten national security. IEEPA meanwhile allows the president to block transactions and freeze assets in response to foreign threats.

A Democratic Congress could lead to more oversight of the enforcement of export controls or challenges as to whether there are genuine emergencies justifying certain sanctions programs. But the broad authority already delegated to the executive branch means Trump would not need Congress to approve every new entity list addition, licensing restriction or sanctions designation.

The president has the authority to impose restrictions on entry into the US under the Immigration and Nationality Act. Trump has already demonstrated how far that authority can reach. In June 2025, he restricted entry by nationals of 19 countries. In September, the administration announced restrictions on foreign nationals accused of undermining democratically elected governments through corruption or drug trafficking.

Congressional Democrats have vowed to investigate tactics used by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and the Department of Homeland Security, which would increase scrutiny of Trump’s enforcement policies.

While Congress has a formal review role, the executive branch has substantial control over US arms sales. This year, Trump has already invoked emergency authorities to bypass congressional review of billions of dollars’ worth of proposed sales to Middle Eastern partners.

Under Democratic control, Congress could scrutinize individual sales, pass legislation seeking to block transfers, or try to narrow the emergency waiver. It could press the administration to accelerate a proposed arms package worth about $14 billion to Taiwan that has emerged as a flashpoint in US-China relations. Trump has so far delayed green-lighting the deal, calling it a “very good negotiating chip” in talks with Beijing. However, lawmakers have limited power to force the administration to initiate a particular sale.