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10月7日袭击事件三年后,战争已重绘了巴勒斯坦的版图Three years on from the 7 October attacks, war has redrawn the map of Palestine

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在2023年10月7日哈马斯发动袭击后,以色列发动的战争导致超过7.4万名巴勒斯坦人丧生。巴勒斯坦领土也变得越来越支离破碎——这些地区包括加沙地带、被占领的西岸以及东耶路撒冷。

More than 74,000 Palestinians have been killed in the war launched by Israel following the 7 October, 2023 Hamas attacks. Palestinian territory has also become increasingly fragmented – in Gaza, the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem.

“在加沙、西岸和东耶路撒冷发生的这一切并非孤立事件,而是一个蓄意的殖民计划,其目的是让巴勒斯坦人在自己的家园中生活得更加艰难,并迫使他们离开自己的土地,”巴勒斯坦权力机构主席马哈茂德·阿巴斯于9月24日在联合国大会上表示。

“What is unfolding in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem are not isolated incidents, but rather a malicious colonial project aimed at making life more difficult for Palestinians in their homeland and forcing them to leave,” Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas told the United Nations on 24 September.

几乎没有哪种领土争端能像巴勒斯坦问题那样,通过地图的变化如此直观地反映出来:从1946年的英国托管地时期,到1947年的联合国分治计划,再到1948-1949年阿以战争后的边界划分,直至如今支离破碎的巴勒斯坦领土。

Few territorial disputes are as visibly reflected in changing maps as that of Palestine – from British Mandate Palestine in 1946, the 1947 UN Partition Plan, the borders that emerged after the 1948-1949 Arab-Israeli war to the fragmented Palestinian territories of today.

早在2023年10月7日哈马斯对以色列发动袭击以及随后的战争之前,巴勒斯坦国家的预期领土范围就已经在不断缩小。

Even before the Hamas-led attacks on Israel of 7 October, 2023 and the war that followed, the territory envisaged for a Palestinian state had been steadily shrinking.

如今,巴勒斯坦已被联合国193个成员国中的158个国家正式承认为独立国家,其领土包括西岸、东耶路撒冷和加沙地带。国际法院认为这些地区构成了一个“统一的领土单元”,其完整性和统一性应当得到维护。然而实际上,这种领土上的连续性早已不复存在。

Palestine – now recognised as a state by 158 of the UN’s 193 member states – comprises the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip. The International Court of Justice regards them as a “single territorial unit” whose unity and integrity should be preserved. In reality, no such territorial continuity exists.

1948-1949年的战争结束后,以色列控制的领土面积比联合国分治计划中为犹太国家划定的领土多出约6000平方公里。1967年的战争之后,以色列又占领了加沙地带和西岸(包括东耶路撒冷)。

After the 1948-1949 war, Israel controlled around 6,000 square kilometres more than the territory allocated to a Jewish state under the UN partition plan. Following the 1967 war, it occupied Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.

从那时起,通过没收土地、建设定居点以及各种形式的剥夺行为,巴勒斯坦领土的地理格局逐渐发生了根本性的变化。

Since then, land confiscation, settlement construction and expropriation have progressively altered the geography of the Palestinian territories.

“如果以色列被认为是一个民主且自由的国家,人们就会认为可以通过谈判实现全面和平,”专门研究以色列和巴勒斯坦问题的历史学家托马斯·韦斯科维(Thomas Vescovi)在接受RFI采访时说道。

“If Israel is regarded as a democratic and liberal state, it will be assumed that a comprehensive peace can be achieved through negotiations,” Thomas Vescovi, a historian specialising in Israel and Palestine, told RFI.

“另一方面,如果我们从另一个角度来审视这个问题——即以色列首先是一个殖民地的产物,至今仍然是一个殖民国家——那么任何形式的谈判都无法带来和平。”他认为,自10月7日的袭击事件以来,这一趋势加速了。

“If, on the other hand, we consider another paradigm – namely that Israel is first and foremost the product of colonisation and remains a colonial state – then no form of negotiation can lead to peace.”Since the 7 October attacks, he argues, that process has accelerated dramatically.

西岸的定居点引发了欧洲政治人物的制裁呼声;这一观点已经从边缘观点转变为主流观点。三年的战争不仅改变了加沙地带的物理面貌,也改变了其人口结构。

West Bank settlements prompt call for sanctions from European political figures From marginal to mainstream Three years of war have transformed the Gaza Strip physically as well as demographically.

超过7.4万名巴勒斯坦人丧生,联合国称加沙超过90%的住房已被毁或受损。到2026年5月,以色列军队控制了该地区约60%的领土。

More than 74,000 Palestinians have been killed, while the UN says more than 90 percent of Gaza’s housing stock has been damaged or destroyed. By May 2026, Israeli forces, controlled around 60 percent of the enclave.

加沙曾经是世界上人口最密集的地区之一,但现在大部分居民集中在该地区仅约三分之一的区域内。

Once one of the world’s most densely populated areas, most of Gaza's inhabitants are now concentrated in roughly a third of the enclave.

以色列在2005年撤出了其定居者和永久性军事设施,但仍继续控制着该地区的陆路、海上和空中通道。因此,包括联合国在内的国际机构仍将持续将加沙视为被占领土。

Israel withdrew its settlers and permanent military installations from Gaza in 2005, but continued to control most access by land, sea and air. International bodies, including the United Nations, have therefore continued to regard Gaza as occupied territory.

多年来,要求在加沙重新建立以色列定居点的呼声主要局限于以色列的民族主义和宗教右翼势力。然而自10月7日以来,这一主张逐渐接近政治主流。

Calls to re-establish Israeli settlements in Gaza were for years largely confined to Israel’s nationalist and religious right. Since 7 October, that idea has moved closer to the political mainstream.

韦斯科维(Vescovi)表示,这场战争重新引发了此前被忽视的问题:“10月7日之后,以色列军队进入加沙地带,我们看到了一个长期被忽视的问题再次浮出水面——那就是通过扩大定居点来让以色列人重返加沙。”如今,约有三分之一的以色列人支持在加沙重新建立定居点。

Vescovi says the war revived an issue that had previously been marginal. “After 7 October, the army entered the Gaza Strip and we saw the resurgence of an issue that had been marginal in this part of Palestine: that of the return of Israelis to Gaza via settlement expansion,” he said. Around a third of Israelis now support renewed settlement in Gaza.

“二十年来,我们一直将这一目标视为遥不可及的梦想;如今,它已经变成了一个切实可行的行动计划,”财政部长贝扎莱尔·斯莫特里奇在2025年表示。“加沙是以色列领土不可分割的一部分。”总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡在5月表示,以色列控制着加沙地带60%的领土,并希望这一比例能提高到70%。

“For 20 years, we have spoken of this as a pipe dream; today, it is also a realistic plan of action,” Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said in 2025. “Gaza is an inseparable part of the Land of Israel.”Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in May that Israel controlled 60 percent of the Gaza Strip and that he wanted that figure increased to 70 percent.

对于韦斯科维来说,以色列重返加沙为以色列在该地区的长期驻留打开了大门。

For Vescovi, Israel’s return to Gaza has opened the door to a more permanent presence.

“内塔尼亚胡今天的立场非常明确:‘我们不会离开加沙,’”他说,“他的目标非常明确。”以色列国防部长伊扎尔·卡茨在9月进一步强调了这一点,他表示以色列军队仍准备继续打击哈马斯,并明确提到了实施“移民计划”。

“Netanyahu, today, is clear in his stance: ‘We will not leave Gaza’,” he said. “His objective is clear." Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz reinforced this in September, saying the army remained ready to “finish the job” against Hamas and referring explicitly to implementing a “migration plan”.

联合国对西岸定居点扩张导致的“种族清洗”行为表示担忧。与此同时,被占领的西岸地区以色列定居点的数量急剧增加,定居者的暴力行为、突袭以及巴勒斯坦人的流离失所现象也日益严重。

UN raises concerns of 'ethnic cleansing' amid record displacement in West Bank Settlement expansion The occupied West Bank has, meanwhile, seen a sharp expansion of Israeli settlements, alongside increasing settler violence, raids and displacement of Palestinians.

根据联合国的数据,自2023年10月7日以来,已有超过1000名巴勒斯坦人被以色列军队或定居者杀害,约4万人被迫流离失所。

More than 1,000 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces or settlers in the West Bank since 7 October, 2023, while around 40,000 people have been forcibly displaced, according to UN figures.

2025年,以色列定居点的建设达到了历史新高——这是自联合国2017年开始系统监测以来最高的水平。

Settlement construction reached a record level in 2025 – the highest since the UN began systematically monitoring it in 2017.

根据以色列反定居点组织“Peace Now”的数据,过去两年里,西岸新建了146个定居点,东耶路撒冷新建了15个定居点。目前,约有75万以色列人居住在这些定居点中,此外还有数百个较小的前哨基地。

According to Israeli anti-settlement organisation Peace Now, 146 settlements in the West Bank and 15 in East Jerusalem have been established over the past two years. Some 750,000 Israelis now live in settlements across the occupied territories, alongside hundreds of smaller outposts.

根据《奥斯陆协议》建立的巴勒斯坦自治区域的地理格局也面临着越来越大的压力。

The geography of Palestinian self-rule established by the Oslo Accords has also come under increasing pressure.

7月,以色列军队在杰宁省至少发布了15项土地征用命令,这些命令涉及被称为“A区”和“C区”的地区。根据《奥斯陆协议》,A区本应由巴勒斯坦权力机构负责管理,而C区则完全由以色列控制。

In July, the Israeli army issued at least 15 land confiscation orders in the Jenin governorate, including in what are referred to as Areas A and C. Under the Oslo agreement, Area A was intended to be administered by the Palestinian Authority while Israel retained full control over Area C.

“通过这样的举措,以色列正在蓄意分割巴勒斯坦领土,破坏巴勒斯坦社区的完整性,并限制他们的行动自由,”国际特赦组织警告说。

“With such a project, Israel is deliberately fragmenting the territory, tearing Palestinian communities apart and hindering their freedom of movement,” Amnesty International warned.

“和平现在”(Peace Now)组织指出,这一政策正将以色列推向“对巴勒斯坦领土的隐秘吞并”。

Peace Now says the policy is pushing Israel towards “an undeclared annexation of the Palestinian territories”.

定居点的建设还影响了道路、供水系统、农田以及经济活动,使得西岸的部分地区与以色列更加紧密地联系在一起,同时导致巴勒斯坦社区之间的隔离加剧。

Settlement also affects roads, water supplies, farmland and economic activity, binding parts of the West Bank more closely to Israel while separating Palestinian communities from one another.

计划中的E1定居点项目(位于耶路撒冷和马阿莱阿杜明之间)尤为重要。批评者认为,该项目实际上会将西岸一分为二,从而使得建立一个连贯的巴勒斯坦国家变得更加困难。欧洲各国政府多次将E1项目视为不可逾越的“红线”。

The planned E1 settlement project, between Jerusalem and Ma’ale Adumim, is considered especially significant. Critics say it would effectively cut the West Bank in two and make a contiguous Palestinian state far harder to establish. European governments have repeatedly described E1 as a red line.

东耶路撒冷的复活节庆祝活动受到了战争和宗教场所限制的影响。东耶路撒冷自1967年被以色列占领后,于1980年被以色列单方面并入以色列版图,一直是领土争端的焦点之一。

Easter in Jerusalem disrupted by war and restrictions at Holy Sepulchre East Jerusalem under pressure East Jerusalem, occupied by Israel in 1967 and unilaterally annexed in 1980, is another focus of the territorial dispute.

巴勒斯坦人将东耶路撒冷视为未来巴勒斯坦国的首都,而以色列则将整个耶路撒冷视为自己的首都。

Palestinians see it as the capital of a future state, while Israel considers the entire city of Jerusalem its capital.

自10月7日的袭击事件以来,以色列的定居点扩张活动以及将巴勒斯坦居民从城市战略要地驱逐出去的企图变得更加频繁。

Since the 7 October attacks, settlement expansion and attempts to remove Palestinian residents from strategic neighbourhoods in the city have intensified.

“以色列当局正在加紧实施其长期以来的非法政策:将巴勒斯坦居民从耶路撒冷老城周边的街区驱逐出去,取而代之的是以色列定居者,”人权观察组织于6月份指出。“这些旨在改变耶路撒冷人口结构的措施属于战争罪行。”在2024年7月发布的一份咨询意见中,国际法院认定:以色列的定居点政策、强制驱逐行为以及大规模拆房行动均违反了国际法,尤其是禁止强制迁移被占领土居民的相关规定。

“The Israeli authorities are stepping up their long-standing illegal policy of displacing Palestinian residents from neighbourhoods around Jerusalem’s Old City, in order to replace them with Israeli settlers,” Human Rights Watch said in June. “These Israeli measures aimed at altering the demographics of Jerusalem constitute war crimes.”In an advisory opinion in July 2024, the International Court of Justice found that Israeli settlement policies, forced evictions and extensive house demolitions violated international law, including protections against the forcible transfer of an occupied population.

对韦斯科维而言,加沙、约旦河西岸及东耶路撒冷发生的种种事件都体现了同一套宏观战略。

For Vescovi, events in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem reflect the same broader strategy.

“这种试图将地区分割、孤立的做法确实是以色列方面一贯奉行的策略;至少在过去20年里这一策略不断得到培育、推动与强化,自2023年10月7日以来更是如此,”他向法国国际广播电台说道。

“This desire to fragment and separate is truly a strategy that has always existed on the Israeli side, but one that has really been nurtured, fuelled and reinforced over at least the last 20 years, and even more so since 7 October, 2023,” he told RFI.

联合国专家称,在巴勒斯坦领土上,“酷刑已然成为国家政策”。韦斯科维指出,内塔尼亚胡既清楚以色列所面临的国际舆论压力,也明白其政府所作所为可能产生的历史意义。

'Torture has become state policy' in Palestinian territories, says UN expert 'Point of no return' Vescovi says that Netanyahu understands both the international criticism Israel faces and the potential historical significance of what his government is doing.

“他明白自己会面临种种压力与谴责,”他说道,“但在以色列历史上,人们会感谢他解决了前人始终无法解决的问题。”他还将内塔尼亚胡与以色列的建国者们相类比——尽管这些建国者在当年制造了巴勒斯坦人称之为“纳克巴”(意为“灾难”)的事件,导致数十万巴勒斯坦人流离失所,但他们至今仍是以色列的民族英雄。

“He knows that pressure will be brought to bear on him and that he will be condemned,” he said. “But in the history of Israel, he will be thanked for having resolved a problem that no one had resolved before.”He draws a historical parallel with Israel’s founders, who remain national heroes despite the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians during what Palestinians call the Nakba – meaning "catastrophe".

“或许,如果内塔尼亚胡的冒险策略最终奏效,他将来会被誉为解决了加沙和约旦河西岸问题的关键人物,”韦斯科维说道,“目前局势呈现出一种延续性。”不过他认为,这样一来通过谈判实现两国方案的前景就愈发难以与现实情况相契合了。“如今我们已经走到了无法回头的地步,”韦斯科维总结道。

“Perhaps if Netanyahu manages to succeed in his gamble, he will be celebrated in the future as the man who resolved the problem of Gaza and the West Bank,” Vescovi said. “There is a sense of continuity.”The result, he believes, is that the vision of a negotiated two-state solution is becoming increasingly difficult to reconcile with realities on the ground. “We have reached a point of no return today,” Vescovi concluded.

“如果我们真心希望建立巴勒斯坦国,就必须对以色列施加巨大压力——动用武力、实施制裁等等——但目前没有任何西方盟友愿意这么做。”

“If we genuinely want a Palestinian state, this requires exerting significant pressure on Israel – through force, sanctions and so on – which no Western ally currently seems prepared to bring to bear.”