民主党人已经在规划如何利用他们新获得的监督权力，前提是他们在11月的选举中赢回国会的一院甚至两院的控制权。当然，任何计划的第一步都是向白宫发出一系列传票。但还有其他可能更富有成效的方式来追究特朗普政府的责任。国会民主党人需要向水门事件调查学习的教训，追踪资金流向。
Democrats are already planning how they will use their new oversight powers should they win back one or both houses of Congress in November. The first step in any plan, of course, is sending a slew of subpoenas to the White House. But there are additional, likely more productive ways to hold the Trump administration accountable. Congressional Democrats need to take a page from the Watergate investigation and follow the money.
这意味着需要调查特朗普与企业美国之间的联系——并对这些公司本身进行调查。政治报告网站星期一报道称，一些民主党人警告称，党不应过于广泛地使用调查权力对企业美国进行报复性调查。这种谨慎是错误的。事实上，国会调查人员可能会发现，最有效的监督对象并不在白宫，而在华尔街。
That means investigating the ties between Trump and corporate America – and probing the companies themselves. “Some Democrats are cautioning that the party shouldn’t use investigative authority too broadly against corporate America to avoid steering into retribution,” Politico reported Monday. That caution is mistaken. In fact, congressional investigators may find the most effective oversight targets sit not in the White House, but on Wall Street.
许多企业美国的人已经意识到，特朗普的“付费参与”政府为他们创造了盈利机会。
Many in corporate America have realized that Trump’s pay-to-play administration has created opportunities for profitability.
据报道，特朗普政府官员已花费数月时间制定国会监督的法律策略，以应对中期选举后的局面。该政府的策略围绕着援引行政特权和抵抗国会监督展开——包括拒绝传票，甚至发布一份新的司法部备忘录，声称要保护非政府的“外部顾问”不受监督传票的约束。
Trump officials have reportedly spent months building up a legal strategy for congressional oversight after the midterms. The administration’s strategy is centered on invoking executive privilege and defying congressional oversight — including subpoenas — even going so far as issuing a new Justice Department memo purporting to shield non-governmental “outside advisors” from responding to oversight subpoenas.
几家公司向总统的项目做出了数百万美元的巨额捐款，其中雪佛龙获得了委内瑞拉的广阔石油储藏权益，而家庭在加油站支付的价格已超过每加仑4美元。特朗普腐败行径的深层内幕2026年10月3日烟草公司雷诺兹向支持特朗普的超级政治行动委员会捐赠了数百万美元，其中包括在美国食品药品监督管理局解除对某些电子烟产品的健康安全限制前夕所捐的500万美元。
several multimillion-dollar contributions to the president’s projects, Chevron has gained the rights to vast oil reserves in Venezuela while families pay more than $4 at the pump. The Depths of Trump’s Corruption October 3, 2026 Tobacco company Reynolds donated millions to a pro-Trump super PAC, including $5 million just before the FDA lifted health and safety restrictions on certain vaping products.
《纽约时报》报道称，尽管时任FDA局长持反对意见，但在总统与行业游说人士及另一家烟草公司雷诺兹的高管共进午餐后，相关法规还是发生了变更。
The New York Times reported that the rule change was made despite opposition from the FDA’s then-commissioner, after the president had lunch with industry lobbyists and executives from Reynolds, another tobacco company.
2025年3月，食品企业泰勒农场的母公司也在美国食品药品监督管理局推迟实施食品溯源法规、增加追踪食源性疾病爆发难度的不到一周前，向同一支持特朗普的超级政治行动委员会捐赠了100万美元。一年后，与泰勒农场相关的环孢子菌爆发事件导致两人死亡、1.3万人患病。（针对这些事件，白宫均声称相关捐赠并未影响政策决策。雪佛龙与泰勒农场也发表了类似否认声明，而雷诺兹则未作回应。）
And in March 2025, food company Taylor Farms’ parent firm donated $1 million to the same pro-Trump super PAC less than a week before the FDA delayed food traceability rules to make it harder to trace foodborne outbreaks. A year later, an outbreak of cyclospora linked to Taylor Farms led to two deaths and 13,000 illnesses. (In each case, the White House has claimed the donations did not affect the policy decisions. Chevron Taylor Farms have issued similar denials, while Reynolds has not commented.) Document requests and subpoenas to private companies don’t trigger the same executive privilege fights that the White House is gearing up for.
向私营企业发出文件调取请求或传票，并不会引发白宫正准备应对的那种行政特权争议。以企业为调查对象能让国会调查员更迅速地揭露这一腐败体系。此外，企业也有动力配合国会调查，因为拒不配合将带来巨大的法律与声誉风险，很少有企业愿意承担这种代价。
Pursuing corporate targets lets congressional investigators expose this corrupt system more quickly. Document requests and subpoenas to private companies don’t trigger the same executive privilege fights that the White House is gearing up for. What’s more, corporations are incentivized to cooperate with Congress, as noncompliance carries significant legal and reputational costs that few companies are willing to bear.
通过调查政府腐败在美国政治中有着悠久的传统。1922年，在哈迪金总统任内，内政部长阿尔贝特·福尔以巨额贿款将联邦石油储备租借给私营公司。在其调查过程中，国会传唤了卷入丑闻的银行总裁马利·达希蒂。达希蒂拒绝出席参议院委员会的听讯，随后被判犯有藐视国会罪。最高法院维持了这一判决，并确认了国会对私营部门的调查权力。从那时起，公司和高管们就已明了：国会的监督可能会找上门来。
Going through corporate America to investigate government corruption has a long tradition in American politics. In 1922, during President Warren Harding’s administration, Secretary of the Interior Albert Fall leased federal oil reserves to private companies in exchange for substantial bribes. In its investigation, Congress subpoenaed Mally Daugherty, the president of a bank involved in the scandal. Daugherty refused to appear before a Senate committee, for which he was convicted of contempt of Congress. The Supreme Court upheld the conviction and Congress’s investigative powers over the private sector. Since that case, corporations and executives have been on notice that congressional oversight may come calling.
民主党人如果在9月29日夺取多数席位，将会把特朗普的“赤裸腐败”作为目标。共和党人在拜登政府期间曾行使过这一权力，将公司首席执行官传唤到国会，就社交媒体公司的内容审核和投资银行的ESG政策进行了质问。他们的听证会甚至导致了两位大学校长的辞职。
Democrats will target Trump’s ‘naked corruption’ if they take majority September 29, 2026 House Republicans used this power during the Biden administration, hauling up corporate CEOs to testify about the content moderation by social media companies and the ESG policies of investment banks. Their hearings even resulted in the resignation of two university presidents.
那时这是一个有效的方法，现在也是如此。任何从特朗普政府获得政策优待的公司都应该成为国会民主党人的调查目标。
It was an effective approach then, and it is now. Any company that received policy favors from the Trump administration should be a target for congressional Democrats.
国会拥有多种开展调查的途径。石油和天然气企业——其中不少是特朗普的主要捐款方——已获得在墨西哥湾、加利福尼亚海岸以及北极国家野生动物保护区进行钻探的许可，同时汽车排放法规也被大幅放宽。科技企业则向特朗普的相关项目捐赠了数百万美元，而特朗普本人也接连发布行政命令，加速数据中心的审批与建设流程。
Congress has myriad paths for investigations. Oil and gas companies — some of Trump’s largest donors —have received leases to drill in the Gulf of Mexico, on the California coast, and in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, as well as a rollback of auto emissions rules. Tech companies have donated millions to Trump projects, while he issues executive orders fast-tracking the permitting and development of data centers.
加密货币公司币安的首席执行官在协助创办特朗普家族旗下的加密货币公司后，其刑事定罪记录也被赦免（双方均坚称这两项举措并无关联）。尽管总统公开支持那些带来诸多负面影响的关税政策，但白宫却屡次对顺从于总统的企业予以豁免，反而惩罚那些拒绝配合的企业。当然，国会理应对所有向特朗普竞选活动捐款的企业逐一展开审查。
The CEO of crypto company Binance received a pardon of his criminal conviction after he helped set up Trump’s family crypto company (here again, the parties claim those two actions are unrelated). Despite the president’s avowed support for his disastrous tariffs, time and again the White House has exempted companies that kowtowed to the president while punishing those who did not. And of course, Congress should scrutinize every single company that contributed to Trump’s ballroom.
上述每一项调查都能为民主党人提供充分契机，促使企业和政府相关方承担应有的责任。
Each of these investigations would give Democrats ample opportunity to hold corporate and government actors accountable.
最近，Hart Research受Groundwork Action委托开展了焦点小组讨论。参与者们并未能清晰区分企业腐败与政府腐败之间的界限；相反，他们认为整个美国体制已然腐败，而这种腐败最终损害的正是普通民众的利益。
In recent focus groups, conducted by Hart Research for Groundwork Action, participants didn’t draw clear lines between corporate corruption and government corruption. Rather, they believe the American system is corrupt — and that the corruption comes at the expense of everyday Americans.
尽管本届政府会拖延推诿、拒绝配合国会的监督工作，但过去两年里一直与特朗普密切合作的各大企业及特殊利益集团绝不应逃脱审查。为调查腐败现象，国会无需陷入与政府的漫长拉锯战，只需顺着资金流向追查——最终便能直抵华尔街。
While the administration will drag its feet and refuse to comply with congressional oversight, the big corporations and special interests that have been willing partners with Trump over the last two years should not be able to evade scrutiny. To investigate corruption, Congress isn’t limited to a protracted fight with the administration. They just have to follow the money — straight to Wall Street. The post Corporations can be Democrats’ secret weapon for holding Trump accountable MS NOW