10月9日，众议院司法委员会的共和党成员发布了一份关于科罗拉多州的相关报告，指控丹佛市的警长今年无视美国移民与海关执法局（ICE）发出的拘留令，放走了那些被指控犯有重罪（如使用致命武器实施攻击）或性侵儿童等罪行的嫌疑人。
On Oct. 9, House Judiciary Republicans released a staff report on Colorado alleging that Denver’s sheriff ignored detainers from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement this year for people charged with crimes ranging from felony assault with a deadly weapon to sexual assault on a child.
报告中提到了费尔南多·巴里奥斯-拉米雷斯（Fernando Barrios-Ramirez），他是一名委内瑞拉公民，被指控性侵儿童并绑架他人。目前他被推定为无罪。该报告由执政党起草，仅提出了指控内容，但并未提供受害者的具体人数；目前还没有任何法院对此事发表正式意见。
The report names Fernando Barrios-Ramirez, a Venezuelan national accused of sexual assault on a child and kidnapping. He is presumed innocent. The report comes from the majority party, offering allegations and no victim count. No court has weighed in.
问题依然存在：为什么任何监狱会在没有将嫌疑人安全移交给联邦执法机构的情况下，就释放这样一名面临严重刑事指控的外国人呢？
The question still stands: Why would any jail release a foreign national with an immigration detainer facing charges like these without a clean handoff to federal agents?
国会此前已经调查过弗吉尼亚州的费尔法克斯县和阿灵顿县，现在又将调查范围扩大到了丹佛市和博尔德市。一旦一个地方存在类似的问题，另一个地方很快也会出现同样的情况——因为这些地方都采用了相同的政策，并且相关官员也采用了相同的辩护理由。
Congress has examined Fairfax County and Arlington County in Virginia and has now turned to Denver and Boulder. Whack one mole, and another pops up in the next blue county with the same policy and the same defense.
我认为，当选的警长和检察官首先应该对将他们推上权力的选民负责。如果某项政策实际上是在保护那些被指控的暴力罪犯免于被移交联邦政府处理，那么这些官员要么应该用数据来公开为这项政策辩护，要么就应该改变这项政策。
My thesis is that elected sheriffs and prosecutors owe their first duty to the residents who put them in office. When a policy protects accused violent offenders from a federal handoff, those officials should either defend that policy in public with data or else change it.
从法律角度来看，警长并不具备“受托人”的身份（即他们并没有法律上的责任去维护公共利益），但这一原则仍然适用。马库斯·奥勒留曾说过：“对整个群体不利的事情，对个体来说也同样不利。”这种“庇护罪犯”的行为实际上是以牺牲整个社会的利益为代价来保护个别罪犯。
A sheriff isn’t a trustee in the legal sense, but the principle still applies. Marcus Aurelius wrote it in one line: “That which is not good for the swarm, neither is it good for the bee.”Sanctuary politics protect one bee at the swarm’s expense.
“拘留令”是ICE发出的正式请求，但需要法官的签字才能生效。根据科罗拉多州的法律，地方官员不能仅凭ICE的请求就拘留某人；因此，那些以该法律为依据行事的警长其实是有道理的。真正的争议焦点在于如何确保嫌疑人能够被及时移交给联邦执法机构。
A detainer is a request from ICE that no judge has signed. Colorado law bars local officers from holding someone solely on an ICE detainer, so the sheriffs who cite the law have a point. The real fight, therefore, is over the handoff.
2025年2月28日，丹佛方面在提前约60分钟的通知后，告知美国移民与海关执法局（ICE）将释放亚伯拉罕·冈萨雷斯·罗梅罗（Abraham Gonzalez Romero）——此人据称属于委内瑞拉“Tren de Aragua”监狱犯罪团伙的成员。市长迈克·约翰斯顿（Mike Johnston）随后作证称，六名ICE特工到场将其带走。联邦检察官表示，在冈萨雷斯离开监狱时，他跳过了栏杆并撞上了一名执法人员，两人因此摔倒。冈萨雷斯被指控袭击联邦官员，但目前仍被推定为无罪。
On Feb. 28, 2025, Denver told ICE, with about 60 minutes’ notice, that it was releasing Abraham Gonzalez Romero, an alleged member of the Venezuelan Tren de Aragua prison gang. Mayor Mike Johnston later testified that six ICE agents showed up on the scene to pick him up. Federal prosecutors say that, as the Venezuelan national left the jail, he jumped a handrail and ran into an officer. Both fell. Gonzalez was charged with assaulting a federal officer.
俄亥俄州共和党众议员吉姆·乔丹（Jim Jordan）质疑为何丹佛方面没有直接将冈萨雷斯移交给ICE，并主张在释放被ICE要求拘留的被告时必须提前48小时通知相关机构。这一要求是合理的，因为在安全设施内的逮捕显然比在公共街道上进行追逐对公众更为安全。
He is presumed innocent. Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) asked why Denver had not released Gonzalez directly to ICE. He argued for a mandatory 48 hours’ notice when defendants with ICE detainers are released. That is a fair request, as an arrest made inside a secure jail is a lot safer to the public than a foot chase on a public sidewalk.
报告还指出，丹佛市早在2019年就制定了相关政策，要求检察官在处理移民相关案件（即便是暴力重罪案件）时尽量减轻对当事人的不利后果；地方检察官约翰·沃尔什（John Walsh）一直在权衡这些政策的影响。委员会认为，同样被指控犯罪的公民并未获得根据其被驱逐风险而制定的宽松的认罪协议。
The prosecutor’s office is the second mole. The report says that a 2019 Denver policy directs prosecutors to mitigate immigration consequences, even in violent felony cases, and that District Attorney John Walsh has kept weighing those consequences. The committee’s complaint is that citizens charged with the same crime do not get softball plea-deals shaped by their risk of deportation.
“法律面前人人平等”这一原则理应得到尊重；政府绝不能偏袒非法移民而歧视本国公民。
Equal justice under law is supposed to mean something, and it isn’t that government discriminates against citizens in favor of illegal aliens.
正在竞选司法部长的博尔德市地方检察官迈克尔·多尔蒂（Michael Dougherty）称这份报告是“政治噱头”。乔丹则反驳称多尔蒂并未提供任何文件来支持自己的观点。路易斯·布兰代斯（Louis Brandeis）曾说过：“阳光是最好的消毒剂”；如果这些政策确实能保障公共安全，那么多尔蒂就应该公开相关的指控准则、拘留记录以及每位被释放者的后续情况。
Boulder District Attorney Michael Dougherty, who is running for attorney general, calls the report “a political stunt.”Jordan retorts that Dougherty has produced no documentation to back up his side of the story. Louis Brandeis wrote that sunlight is the best disinfectant. If these policies protect public safety, then let’s have Dougherty post the charging guidelines, the detainer log, the release times, and then an account of what happened to each person after release.
沃尔什警告称，强制报告制度会破坏移民群体与警方之间的信任关系，而这种信任对于受害者和目击者决定是否报警至关重要。对于遭受家庭暴力的受害者而言，这种信任问题尤为现实。不过，这一制度并不会影响到罪犯的牢狱之灾——因为被指控犯下暴力重罪的人并不属于“证人”范畴。
Walsh warns that mandatory reporting would erode trust between immigrant communities and police, which matters when victims and witnesses decide whether to call. The trust concern is real for a domestic violence victim dialing 911. But it doesn’t reach a jail cell, because a suspect charged with a violent felony is not a witness.
2025年3月，皮尤研究中心的一项调查显示：在那些支持部分驱逐非法移民、但反对全面驱逐的民主党人中，有97%的人赞成将犯下暴力罪行的非法移民驱逐出境。
A March 2025 Pew Research Center survey found that 97 percent of Democrats who favor some but not all deportations support removing illegal aliens who have committed violent crimes.
法院无法解决这一问题。1989年的“德沙尼诉温内贝戈县案”裁定：州政府未能保护民众免受私人暴力侵害并不违反正当程序条款；1976年的“因布勒诉帕赫特曼案”则规定：检察官可完全免于承担联邦层面的民权损害赔偿责任。因此，解决问题的途径只剩下选民投票与国会立法。
Courts won’t settle this. DeShaney v. Winnebago County held in 1989 that a state’s failure to protect someone from private violence does not violate the Due Process Clause. Imbler v. Pachtman gave prosecutors absolute immunity from federal civil-rights damages suits in 1976. That leaves the ballot box and Congress.
科罗拉多州的选民将于11月3日率先对此进行表决。第81号修正案规定：若有人被指控犯下暴力罪行，或曾有重罪前科，且此人属于非法入境或身份不明，执法部门须在72小时内向国土安全部通报。该修正案需获得55%以上的赞成票方能生效。
Colorado voters get the first swing on Nov. 3. Amendment 81 would require law enforcement to notify the Department of Homeland Security within 72 hours of charging someone with a violent crime, or someone with a prior felony conviction, if the person is in the country illegally or his or her status cannot be determined. It requires 55 percent to pass.
美国妇女选民联盟则因担心该法案违背无罪推定原则及可能引发误判而表示反对。
The League of Women Voters opposes it over the presumption of innocence and the risk of error.
国会同样可以有所作为：可推动3月5日已由司法委员会通过的《禁止庇护政策法案》。该法案允许那些被庇护地释放的暴力犯罪受害者提起损害赔偿诉讼。联邦政府也可与科罗拉多州法律相协调——该州规定，除非联邦官员出示法官签署的逮捕令或命令，否则不得执行拘留要求。联邦政府应在所有暴力犯罪案件中争取法官签字批准，并将通知时限从60分钟延长至48小时。
Congress can also do something. It can move on the Shut Down Sanctuary Policies Act, which the Judiciary Committee passed on March 5. It would allow the victims of those released by sanctuary jurisdictions to sue for damages. Federal officials can meet Colorado’s law halfway, because the state limits honoring detainers unless federal officials present a judge-signed warrant or order. Seek a judge’s signature in every violent case and press for 48 hours notice instead of 60 minutes.
多年来，庇护地官员一直在解释其政策保护的对象。他们称，被指控者理应得到保护与接纳。这固然没错，但当地居民更希望知道：究竟是谁在守护他们的安全。
Sanctuary officials have spent years explaining whom their policies protect. The accused, they say, are safe and welcome. Fine, but residents would like to hear who is looking after them.
国会将继续打地鼠，因为洞是无穷无尽的。根治之道掌握在聘用这些官员的选民手中，而科罗拉多州的机会将在 11 月 3 日到来。
Congress will keep swinging at moles, because the holes are endless. The lasting fix belongs to the voters who hire these officials, and Colorado’s turn comes Nov. 3.
杰伊·罗杰斯是一位金融专业人士，在私募股权、私募信贷、对冲基金和财富管理领域拥有 30 多年的经验。
Jay Rogers is a financial professional with more than 30 years of experience in private equity, private credit, hedge funds, and wealth management.