几十年来，国际社会对以色列与巴勒斯坦冲突的应对一直集中在寻求政治解决上。
For decades, the international response to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has centred on the search for a political settlement.
如今，这一战略越来越忽视了一个更为紧迫的问题：由于对巴勒斯坦的持续殖民，巴勒斯坦平民的生活和社会结构正处于极度危险之中。
Today, this strategy increasingly misses the more urgent issue: Palestinian civilian life and social structures are in grave danger because of the continuing colonisation of Palestine.
在加沙，一场灭绝性的战争已导致7.4万多人丧生，并为数万人的超额死亡创造了条件。它摧毁了整个社区、关键基础设施，并导致教育和医疗系统陷入崩溃。
In Gaza, a genocidal war has killed more than 74,000 people and created the conditions for excess deaths of tens of thousands more. It has wiped out whole neighbourhoods, critical infrastructure and forced the education and healthcare systems into collapse.
在被占领的约旦河西岸和东耶路撒冷，则运作着不同的毁灭机制：定居者和军队的暴力、强迫流离失所、行动限制、对农田和生计获取权的剥夺、对巴勒斯坦民政管理的财政施压等。
In the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, different mechanisms of destruction operate: Settler and military violence, forced displacement, restrictions on movement, loss of access to agricultural land and livelihoods, fiscal pressure on Palestinian civil administration, etc.
综上所述，这些政策影响了巴勒斯坦社区继续生存的能力。为此，迫切需要一支国际保护部队，不仅要阻止以色列的暴力，还要保护巴勒斯坦的学校、医院、生计获取权以及援助获取权。
Taken together, these policies affect the ability of Palestinian communities to continue to exist. For that reason, an international protection force is urgently needed not only to prevent Israeli violence, but to protect Palestinian schools, hospitals, access to livelihoods and access to aid.
巴勒斯坦人的生存受到威胁 对巴勒斯坦土地的殖民已经持续了数十年。然而，自2023年10月以来，这种殖民加速发展，达到了使巴勒斯坦人在巴勒斯坦的生活成为不可能的程度。
Palestinian existence threatened The colonisation of Palestinian land has been going on for decades. Yet, since October 2023, it has accelerated to the point where Palestinian life in Palestine is made impossible.
以色列不仅在杀害巴勒斯坦人，还在积极摧毁支持人类生存的每一个支柱：住房、医疗、教育、生计和安全。
Israel is not just killing Palestinians; it is actively destroying every pillar that supports human life: Housing, healthcare, education, livelihood, and security.
以色列军队已经摧毁了加沙大约百分之八十一的建筑物，并导致190万人流离失所、无家可归。该地带绝大多数居民住在不适合长期人类居住的帐篷或临时避难所里。
The Israeli army has destroyed roughly 81 percent of structures in Gaza, and left 1.9 million people displaced, without homes. The vast majority of the Strip’s residents live in tents or makeshift shelters that are unfit for long-term human habitation.
在被占领的约旦河西岸和东耶路撒冷，以缺乏建筑许可证为借口进行的房屋拆除行动不断升级。据“人权法”组织（Al-Haq）统计，2023年至2025年中期之间，有46个巴勒斯坦社区被以色列军队和定居者强行驱逐。其他社区（包括约旦河西岸腹地的部分社区）也遭到严重破坏，其中包括杰宁、努尔沙姆斯和图勒凯尔姆的难民营。最近，希伯伦遭到围困，那里的房屋被拆除；约有5000人流离失所，至少120人被扣留。
In the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, demolitions of homes, conducted under the pretext of absent building permits, have escalated. According to Al-Haq, 46 Palestinian communities were forcibly displaced by Israeli forces and settlers between 2023 and mid-2025. Other communities, including some in the heart of the West Bank, have been severely damaged, including the refugee camps of Jenin, Nur Shams and Tulkarem. Most recently, Hebron has been besieged and homes there demolished; some 5,000 people have been displaced an at least 120 detained.
医疗和教育正遭受巨大的破坏。在加沙，36家医院中仅剩19家、158个初级卫生中心中仅剩73个仍在部分运转。据联合国儿童基金会称，加沙98%的学校在战争期间被毁或受损。
Heathcare and education are witnessing huge destruction. In Gaza, only 19 of 36 hospitals and only 73 of 158 primary health centres remain partially functional. According to UNICEF, 98 percent of Gaza’s schools were destroyed or damaged during the war.
在被占领的约旦河西岸，由于以色列扣押本应给巴勒斯坦民族权力机构的税收收入，当地医院资金严重不足。因此，它们只能缩减运力运营，越来越多的服务无法提供，而数百个以色列检查站则阻碍了紧急医疗护理的正常运转。
In the occupied West Bank, hospitals are severely underfunded due to Israel withholding tax revenues from the Palestinian Authority (PA). As a result, they operate at reduced capacity, with a growing number of services becoming unavailable, while the hundreds of Israeli checkpoints prevent emergency care from functioning properly.
西岸的教育也面临威胁。包括被占领的东耶路撒冷在内，至少有84所学校面临待执行的拆除或停工令。与此同时，数十万儿童艰难应对以色列的出行限制，这常常导致他们无法前往学校。
Education in the West Bank is also under threat. At least 84 schools, including in occupied East Jerusalem, remained under pending demolition or stop-work orders. Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of children struggle with Israeli movement restrictions, which often render them unable to reach school.
巴勒斯坦人的生计也遭到毁灭性打击。在加沙，地毯式轰炸行动几乎摧毁了本已因以色列围困而瘫痪的经济。
Palestinian livelihoods have also been devastated. In Gaza, the carpet-bombing campaign has all but destroyed the economy, which was already crippled by the Israeli siege.
在被占领的约旦河西岸，不断加剧的定居者暴行、土地掠夺以及以色列军队将部分地区划为“安全区”的做法，切断了巴勒斯坦农民与土地的联系。许多人连续三年无法种植农作物或进行收割，其主要收入来源被剥夺。
In the occupied West Bank, growing settler pogroms, land theft and designations of areas as “security zones” by the Israeli army have cut off Palestinian farmers from their land. Many have been unable to grow crops or harvest for three consecutive years, eliminating their primary income source.
在巴勒斯坦农业崩溃的同时，世界粮食计划署宣布将削减加沙和约旦河西岸数十万巴勒斯坦人的每月口粮。
While Palestinian agriculture is collapsing, the World Food Programme has announced it is cutting monthly food rations for hundreds of thousands of Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank.
就业机会已大幅收缩。以色列当局撤销了允许巴勒斯坦人在以色列企业工作的工和旅行许可证。
Employment opportunities have significantly shrunk. The Israeli authorities have withdrawn the work and travel permits that allowed Palestinians to work in Israeli enterprises.
虽然加沙90%以上的巴勒斯坦人失业，但据官方统计，自2023年以来，约旦河西岸的失业率已翻了一番，在2026年达到了29.5%。这个数字很可能被低估了，因为失业超过一年的工人被排除在劳动力统计数据之外。
While more than 90 percent of Palestinians in Gaza are without work, unemployment in the West Bank has doubled since 2023 by official counts, reaching 29.5 percent in 2026. This figure is likely an undercount, since workers unemployed for more than a year drop out of labour-force statistics.
与此同时，本应管辖巴勒斯坦人生活的巴勒斯坦权力机构，已经变成了以色列的安全分包商。截至2026年，以色列扣留了代巴勒斯坦权力机构征收的估计达48亿至50亿美元的税收和关税收入。然而，它转账的资金足以确保巴勒斯坦权力机构的安全机构继续运转，并代表其积极参与对巴勒斯坦人民的镇压。
Meanwhile, the PA, which is supposed to govern Palestinian life, has been transformed into Israel’s security subcontractor. As of 2026, Israel is withholding an estimated $4.8-5bn in tax and customs revenue collected on the PA’s behalf. It has, however, transferred enough money to ensure the PA’s security apparatus continues to function and actively engage in repression of the Palestinian people on its behalf.
这一切都发生在持续的殖民暴力背景下。在加沙，以色列军队每天对巴勒斯坦人进行轰炸、炮击和射击。在被占领的约旦河西岸，以色列定居者和士兵杀戮、袭击、纵火和掠夺。
All of this is happening against a backdrop of continuing colonial violence. In Gaza, the Israeli army bombs, shells and shoots at Palestinians daily. In the occupied West Bank, Israeli settlers and soldiers kill, attack, burn and pillage.
如果一个人口失去住房、无力承担温饱、无法获得医疗保健或为儿童提供教育，并面临持续的暴力，它怎么可能生存？它无法生存。这就是巴勒斯坦人今天面临的现实。
If a population loses access to housing, cannot put food on the table, cannot receive healthcare or provide children with education, and faces constant violence, how can it survive? It cannot. And that is the reality Palestinians face today.
建立保护部队的理由 鉴于以色列违反了国际人道主义法的主要支柱，在巴勒斯坦部署保护部队有着明确的法律依据。
The case for a protection force There is a clear legal basis for deploying a protective force in Palestine given that Israel is in violation of major pillars of international humanitarian law.
国际法院裁定，以色列对巴勒斯坦土地的占领是非法的，必须予以终结。
The International Court of Justice found that Israel’s occupation of Palestinian land is illegal and it needs to be brought to an end.
在另一项裁决中，国际法院裁定，以色列有义务促进对加沙地带的人道主义援助准入——而以色列一直在积极阻挠这种准入。
In a separate ruling, the ICJ held that Israel has an obligation to facilitate aid access into the Gaza Strip – access Israel has actively hindered.
尽管咨询意见不具有约束力，但它们将责任直接归咎于作为占领国的以色列，这一事实为要求执行该责任提供了法律依据。
Although advisory opinions are not binding, the fact that they place responsibility squarely on Israel as the occupying power provides a legal basis for demanding that this responsibility be enforced.
令问题更加严重的是，以色列不仅是占领国，还是积极致力于瓦解巴勒斯坦人民集体公民生活和民族身份的一方。那么，应当如何组建一支保护部队呢？
What compounds this is that Israel is not only the occupying power but also the party actively working to dismantle the collective civil life and nationhood of the Palestinian people. So how can a protection force be constituted?
根据《联合国宪章》，安理会有权批准维和任务，但在巴勒斯坦问题上，鉴于美国几乎势必会行使否决权，这实际上是不可能的。1950年的“联合谋求和平”先例存在一个现实的替代方案，根据该先例，在安理会陷入瘫痪时，联合国大会可以建议采取包括使用武力在内的集体措施——自1950年以来，这一机制已被动用了大约十几次，最近一次是在2022年针对乌克兰问题。
In the United Nations Charter, the Security Council is empowered to approve peace missions, but in the case of Palestine, that is effectively impossible, given the near-certainty of a US veto. A real alternative exists in the 1950 “Uniting for Peace” precedent, under which the General Assembly (UNGA) can recommend collective measures, including the use of force, when the Council is paralysed – a mechanism invoked roughly a dozen times since 1950, most recently on Ukraine in 2022.
与安理会决议不同，此类建议不具有约束力；其效力是政治性的，而非强制性的。然而，这可以为希望采取行动并愿意部署和资助保护部队的国家联盟赋予合法性。
Unlike a UNSC resolution, such a recommendation is not binding; its force is political rather than coercive. However, this could give legitimacy to a coalition of states who wish to take action and are willing to deploy and fund a protective force.
这个联盟——可能包括已经领导国际法院种族灭绝案的南非，以及阿拉伯国家联盟和伊斯兰合作组织的成员——需要将此案提交给联合国大会。
This coalition – plausibly including South Africa, which has already led the ICJ genocide case, alongside the Arab League and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation members – would need to bring this to the UNGA.
这条途径可以在保持对华盛顿压力的同时进行，因为持久的保护最终需要消除美国的阻挠，而不是永久地绕过美国。
This route can be pursued while sustaining pressure on Washington, since durable protection ultimately requires removing US obstruction, not permanently routing around it.
最终部署在巴勒斯坦的部队应当拥有清晰的授权，以应对针对巴勒斯坦人生命的威胁。它不应复制希伯仑临时国际观察团（Temporary International Presence in Hebron）的模式，该观察团于1994年至2019年期间运作，仅限于观察和报告虐待行为，而没有干预的授权。
The force that is ultimately deployed in Palestine should have a clear mandate to act on threats to Palestinian life. It should not replicate the Temporary International Presence in Hebron, which operated between 1994 and 2019 and was confined to observing and reporting abuses with no mandate to intervene.
相反，这支保护部队必须被授权保障巴勒斯坦人的安全，并在社区与定居者之间建立物理缓冲，同时拥有预防袭击而非仅仅记录袭击的权力。在当前形势下，部署这样一支国际保护部队必须是当务之急。
The protective force must instead be mandated to keep Palestinians safe and establish a physical buffer between communities and settlers, with authority to prevent attacks rather than merely document them. The deployment of such an international protection force must be the priority under the existing situation.
保护巴勒斯坦社会应当被视为一个本身极其重要的问题。无论最终的政治解决前景如何，维护巴勒斯坦平民生活的社会、经济和文化基础都不能拖延到政治解决到来之时。
The protection of Palestinian society should be treated as an issue in its own right. Whatever the eventual political settlement, preserving the social, economic and cultural foundations of Palestinian civilian life cannot be deferred until a political settlement arrives.