特朗普的 ICE 打击行动击垮了迈阿密。这会拖垮这位古裔共和党人的竞选吗？
Trump’s ICE Crackdown Broke Miami. Will It Tank This Cuban Republican’s Campaign?
玛丽亚·埃尔维拉·萨拉查是“305”地区的名人。但突然间，她正在为自己的政治生命而战。发布时间：2026-10-31T11:00:00Z特朗普的 ICE 打击行动击垮了迈阿密。这会拖垮这位古裔共和党人的竞选吗？
Maria Elvira Salazar is a celebrity in the 305. But suddenly she’s fighting for her political life. Published: 2026-10-31T11:00:00Z Trump’s ICE Crackdown Broke Miami. Will It Tank This Cuban Republican’s Campaign?
迈阿密 —— 将近一个小时里，数十名当地共和党最忠诚的哥伦比亚裔选民耐心等待，挤在迈阿密斯普林斯附近、紧邻机场的一家小酒店的会议室里，四周摆满了肉馅卷、芝士棒和一面面小哥伦比亚国旗。活动主持人、韦斯顿市专员法比奥·安德拉德专程赶来，煽动人群情绪，警告民主党社会主义者有一个“马基雅维利式的计划”要接管美国。他在会场走动，把麦克风一一递给选民。
M IAMI — For nearly an hour, dozens of the local Republican Party’s most loyal Colombian voters bided their time, piled into a conference room in a small hotel right off the airport near Miami Springs, surrounded by tables full of empanadas, tequeños and small Colombian flags. The event’s emcee, Weston City Commissioner Fabio Andrade, in town for the event, hyped up the crowd and warned of a “Machiavellian plan” by Democratic socialists to take over the U.S. He moved about the room, turning the mic to voters one by one.
“你们为什么支持玛丽亚·埃尔维拉？”他问道。各年龄段的哥伦比亚裔轻松陈述了支持玛丽亚·埃尔维拉·萨拉查的理由。“支持移民！”“捍卫拉丁裔！”“她为居民奔走，不为党派。”她支持移民。她捍卫我们拉丁裔。她为居民效力，不为党派。
“ Porque apoyan a Maria Elvira?” he asked. Colombians of all ages easily made their case for why they support Maria Elvira Salazar. “ A favor de los inmigrantes!”“Defendie a los Latinos!”“ Se faja para el residente, y no para el partido.”She’s in favor of immigrants. She defends us Latinos. She works for the residents, not for the party.
音响里突然响起萨尔萨舞曲的强劲节拍。就在这一拍上，这位女众议员从通往酒店停车场的后门走了进来。仿佛排练过一般，全体人员起身涌向她，纷纷掏出手机抢拍她令人陶醉的入场瞬间。她身穿白色竞选 T 恤、脚踏白色金鹅牌运动鞋，标志性的大卷发因湿气过重而微微蓬松，受到的欢迎如同明星一般。
A salsa beat came in hot over the speakers. Right on cue, through a backdoor coming off the hotel parking lot, the congresswoman walked in. As if in complete coordination, the group lifted out of their seats and crowded her, whipping out cell phones to snap photos of her rapturous entrance. Sporting a white campaign shirt and white Golden Goose sneakers, her signature blowout slightly puffy from the excess humidity, Salazar was greeted like a celebrity.
2026 年 10 月 15 日，玛丽亚·埃尔维拉·萨拉查在迈阿密社区报业举办的竞选早餐会上发言。得益于她在本地电视台的从业背景，她常受到明星般的欢迎。
Maria Elvira Salazar speaks at a campaign breakfast hosted by Miami Community Newspapers on Oct. 15, 2026. Thanks to her local television background, she's often greeted like a celebrity.
“我希望华盛顿能用这个、用这首音乐来欢迎我！”她对着这小群人说道，坐下后示意一名助手给她拿瓶水。更多团队成员陆续走进来，还有托比，萨拉查那只虽小却精力旺盛的查理王小猎犬。
“I wish Washington would welcome me with this, and with this music!” she told the small crowd, taking her seat and signaling to one of her aides to grab her a water bottle. More members of her team funneled in, along with Toby, Salazar’s small but feisty King Charles Spaniel.
随着她开始激情洋溢地捍卫已成为其核心政策提案的《尊严法案》——这项移民改革措施让她与唐纳德·特朗普总统的“让美国再次伟大”运动站在了对立面——屋里安静下来。没过多久，一位名叫贝亚特丽斯·帕尔加的老妇人站起身，身上裹得严严实实全是红色，头戴一顶“特朗普2024”帽子，拿起麦克风问道：《尊严法案》实际上是大赦吗？不，萨拉查迅速打断道。不是。
The room quieted as she launched into a passionate defense of what has become her core policy proposal, the Dignity Act — the immigration reform measure that has put her at odds with President Donald Trump’s “Make America Great Again” movement. Not long after, an older woman named Beatriz Parga, clad head to toe in red with a “TRUMP 2024” hat, stood and grabbed a mic: is the Dignity Act actually a mass amnesty? No, Salazar interjected quickly. It’s not.
“他们是非法入境并留了下来，这是真的，”她说。但萨拉查恳求道，“我们要做点所罗门式的事儿。”
“Son ilegales y se quedaron, es verdad,” she said. They came illegally and they stayed. But, Salazar pleaded, “ vamos a hacer algo salomónico.”
“特朗普在移民问题上，可以像林肯之于奴隶制、里根之于共产主义一样，”萨拉查对人群说道，这个说辞她讲过太多次，已成陈词滥调。
Let's do something Solomonic. “Trump could be for immigration what Lincoln was for slavery and Reagan was for communism,” Salazar told the crowd, a pitch she’s given so many times it’s become a cliché.
几十年来，玛丽亚·埃尔维拉·萨拉查一直是“305”地区的超级巨星。作为西班牙语电视的资深从业者，她的名字已成为古巴裔美国保守派传统的代名词，该传统为共和党提供了最可靠的支持基础之一。正如一位政治操盘手所言，她是“古巴版劳伦·白考尔”，个人魅力极大，以至于在2024年，她在迈阿密为基础的选区获得的选票甚至超过了唐纳德·特朗普总统本人。
For decades, Maria Elvira Salazar has been a rock star of the 305. A veteran of Spanish language television, her name has become synonymous with the Cuban American conservative tradition that provides one of the Republican Party’s most reliable bases of support. She’s a “Cuban Lauren Bacall,” as one political operative put it, so personally popular that in 2024 she won more votes in her Miami-based district than President Donald Trump himself.
萨拉查的媒体背景让她稳居西班牙语广播传统的核心地位，而这正是南佛罗里达古巴流亡社区的命脉所在。
Salazar's media background places her squarely in a tradition of Spanish broadcasting that is the lifeblood of the Cuban exile community in South Florida.
但在特朗普第二任期内，数千名委内瑞拉人、哥伦比亚人、尼加拉瓜人甚至古巴人被迫离境，彻底颠覆了迈阿密的移民群体。这一政策有可能瓦解在特朗普胜选中发挥关键作用的更广泛共和党联盟——也正威胁着萨拉查的政治生存。
But in the second Trump era, the forced exodus of thousands of Venezuelans, Colombians, Nicaraguans and even Cubans has upended Miami’s immigrant community. It’s a policy that stands to unravel the broader GOP coalition that played a key role in Trump’s victory — and it’s threatening Salazar’s political survival.
记者采访了二十多位议员、游说人士、前助手、共和党操盘手、民主党组织者以及了解萨拉查的迈阿密选民，揭示了她曾经光鲜政治品牌受损的程度。
Interviews with more than two dozen lawmakers, lobbyists, former staffers, GOP operatives, Democratic organizers and Miami voters who know Salazar revealed the extent of the damage to her once-glittering political brand.
突然间，她在党内备受痛恨，同时又深受爱戴。当地民主党人痛恨她，视萨拉查为伪君子，认为她背叛了这座因拉美文化和语言的爆发式增长而焕然一新的充满活力的城市。支持政府大规模驱逐议程的人则视她为对特朗普限制性移民政策的生存威胁。
Suddenly, she is as despised by some in her party as she is loved. Local Democrats loathe her, viewing Salazar as a hypocrite who has betrayed a vibrant city remade by an explosion of Latino culture and language. Those who support the administration’s mass deportation agenda view her as an existential threat to Trump’s restrictive immigration policies.
在中期选举竞选的最后冲刺阶段，萨拉查的困境显而易见。她面临着似乎势不可挡的民主党攻势，同时还要在共和党最具放射性的议题之一中周旋避险。
Salazar’s predicament is unmistakable in the final days of the midterm campaign. She is facing what appear to be gale force Democratic winds while at the same time navigating the political hazards of one of the GOP’s most radioactive issues.
她告诉《政治人物》杂志，曾私下致电特朗普政治运作团队负责人詹姆斯·布莱尔和白幕僚长苏西·怀尔斯，警告两人共和党面临失去拉美裔选民的风险。“就在2026年当下，民调显示，如果共和党想继续执政、继续赢得选举，我们可能正在失去那座金矿的一部分，”萨拉查说。布莱尔和白宫均未回应置评请求。
She’s privately called James Blair, who heads Trump’s political operation, and White House chief of staff Susie Wiles, to warn them that the party is at risk of losing Latino voters, she told POLITICO Magazine. “Right now in 2026, the polls are indicating that we may be losing some of that pot of gold if the Republican Party wants to stay in power and continue winning elections,” Salazar said. Neither Blair nor the White House responded to requests for comment.
在机场酒店的活动上，人群在萨拉查发言结束后蜂拥而上，挤到前面试图与她合影，帕加却退在一旁。帕加表示，她依然支持特朗普，也是萨拉查的超级粉丝。但当被问及是否认为这位女众议员能在11月成功连任时，帕加耸了耸肩。她不确定选民是否会为她投票。
At the airport hotel event, as the crowd of Colombians swarmed Salazar after her remarks, squeezing up to the front to try and get a selfie with her, Parga held back. Parga told me she still supports Trump, and is a massive fan of Salazar. Yet when asked if she believes the congresswoman will win re-election in November, Parga shrugged. She wasn’t sure if voters would show up for her.
“古巴人不支持她，”帕尔加告诉我。古巴人不支持她。但为什么？“因为他们认为她不支持特朗普，”她解释道。他们认为她不支持总统。
“Los cubanos no están con ella,” Parga told me. The Cubans aren’t with her. But why? “Porque creen que ella no está con Trump,” she explained. They think she’s not with the president.
随着大选日临近，萨拉萨尔在9月下旬的一个周三来到肯德尔区一条后巷旁的一座淡黄色仓库——手里拿着一叠文件，带着她的狗托比——去录制一档播客节目。
With the clock ticking down toward Election Day, Salazar rolled up on a Wednesday in late September to a pale yellow warehouse off a back alley in Kendall — with a stack of papers and her dog Toby in tow — to record a podcast.
“皮奇男孩”是两位内容创作者，在Instagram上拥有超过一百万粉丝。虽然这不是一个明确的政治节目，但主持人折射出迈阿密最新一代古巴裔的面貌，通过Reels或TikTok传递新闻和热门观点。这是这位女众议员今年秋天竞选途中反复采用的一种访谈风格——通常氛围友好，且受众总是至关重要的古巴裔、委内瑞拉裔或哥伦比亚裔选民，她需要动员他们出来投票。
The “Pichy Boys” are two content creators with over one million followers on Instagram. Though not explicitly a political show, the hosts are a mirror of Miami’s latest generation of Cubans, delivering their news and hot takes via Reels or TikToks. It’s a style of interview the congresswoman has done time and again on the trail this fall — usually friendly, and always with an important Cuban or Venezuelan or Colombian audience that she needs to turn out.
在镜头前整理头发时，萨拉萨尔显得游刃有余。她告诉主持人，演播室布置得很棒。“那是演播室最重要的部分——灯光。”
Fixing her hair in the lens of the camera, Salazar appeared to be in her element. The studio had a great setup, she told the hosts. “That’s the most important part of a studio — lighting.”
要了解玛丽亚·萨拉萨尔——标志性的发型、色彩搭配得当的服装、新闻主播般的体态——核心在于一点：她在当地电视台做了很长时间的常驻主播。这一事实足够重要，以至于民主党今年派出了他们自己的资深当地电视名人来对抗她：埃利奥特·罗德里格斯，前CBS当地新闻主播，同样是古巴裔美国人。
If there’s one thing to understand about Maria Salazar — core to the signature hair, the color-coordinated outfits, the news anchor posture — it’s that she was a fixture of local television for a very long time. That fact is relevant enough that Democrats chose their own veteran local TV personality to oppose her this year: Eliott Rodriguez, a former local news anchor for CBS, who is also Cuban American.
1995年，玛丽亚·埃尔维拉·萨拉萨尔在纽约市采访菲德尔·卡斯特罗。从Univision、CNN en Español、Telemundo到Mega TV——萨拉萨尔在西班牙语电视台几乎到处都工作过。
Maria Elvira Salazar interviews Fidel Castro in New York City in 1995. From Univision, CNN en Español, Telemundo and then Mega TV — Salazar worked everywhere in Spanish language television.
她的媒体背景使她正好位于西班牙语广播的传统之中，而这传统是南佛罗里达古巴流亡社区的命脉。自上世纪60年代初第一次大规模古巴移民潮——其中包括萨拉查本人家庭——以来，古巴人主导的电视和广播在迈阿密发挥了超出常规的作用。首先，它为流亡者提供了解岛上亲人情况的渠道，也为岛上居民提供了他们在菲德尔·卡斯特罗的革命政权下听不到的信息。这既是抵抗行动，也是新闻报道。
Her media background places her squarely in a tradition of Spanish broadcasting that is the lifeblood of the Cuban exile community in South Florida. Since the first wave of migration from Cuba in the early 1960s — an influx which included Salazar’s own family — Cuban-led TV and radio has played an outsized role in Miami. First, it served as a source for exiles to understand what was happening to their families on the island, and for those on the island to get information they weren’t hearing from Fidel Castro’s revolutionary regime. It was resistance activism as much as it was news.
萨拉查出生于迈阿密“小哈瓦那”社区，正值卡斯特罗上台两年后，她属于下一代记者。她曾在Univision、CNN西班牙语频道、Telemundo以及后来的Mega TV工作——萨拉查无处不在。随着时间推移，整座城市的拉美族群都认识了“玛丽亚·埃尔维拉”。
Born in Miami’s Little Havana community just two years after Castro took control of the island, Salazar was part of the next generation of journalists. Univision, CNN en Español, Telemundo and then Mega TV — Salazar was everywhere. Over time, the whole Latino set of the city got to know “Maria Elvira.”
“一位与萨拉查关系密切、为讨论私人细节而要求匿名的人说，‘[萨拉查]是最早在美国电视上用西班牙语主持辩论脱口秀的人之一。她很强势，对制作人和工作人员都要求极高。她懂得抛出犀利言论，也不惧争议，甚至会主动迎合。’”当迈阿密首位古巴裔国会代表、共和党人伊莱娜·罗斯-莱特宁于2018年退休——这让该席位20年来首次出现空缺——萨拉查抓住机会利用自己的明星效应。
“[Salazar] was one of the first people to actually do debate talk shows in Spanish on U.S. television,” said a person close to Salazar, granted anonymity to discuss private details. “She's pushy and she's extremely demanding, both with her producers and with her staff. She knows how to throw the zingers, and she's not afraid of controversy. She leans into it.”When Miami’s first Cuban representative in Congress, Republican Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, retired in 2018 — opening the seat for the first time in 20 years — Salazar seized the opportunity to leverage her celebrity.
她在当年的蓝潮中被淘汰，但两年后与在任民主党人、前内阁部长唐娜·沙拉拉再次对决时，她借助总统选举年的投票热情——以及古巴流亡社区对特朗普的倾向——赢得了该席位。值得注意的是，萨拉查的得票率超过了特朗普在她所在的国会选区的表现。
She was dragged under by that year’s blue wave, but in a rematch two years later with incumbent Democrat and former Cabinet secretary Donna Shalala, she took advantage of presidential year turnout — and the Cuban exile community’s affinity for Trump — to capture the seat. Notably, Salazar ran ahead of Trump’s performance in her congressional district.
“她每晚都在Facebook Live上做Zoom节目，和成千上万的人谈论疫情，”她的一位前竞选团队成员说。当人们在竞选活动中看到她时，“汽车会停在马路中间，按喇叭并挥手叫她过去。”“这一切都归结于她是一名记者，而且她非常懂电视。”
“She was having nightly Zoom shows on Facebook Live with thousands of people, talking about the pandemic,” one of her former campaign staffers said. “The cars would stop in the middle of the street and honk and wave her down,” when they saw her on the trail. “It all goes back to the fact that she is a journalist and she understands TV extremely well.”
2018年11月6日，萨拉查在迈阿密的一处迈阿密-戴德县住房设施与选民交谈。她的一位前工作人员说，当选民在竞选活动中看到她时，“汽车会停在马路中间，按喇叭并挥手叫她过去。”
Salazar talks with voters at a Miami-Dade County housing facility in Miami on Nov. 6, 2018. When voters saw her on the campaign trail, one of her former staffers said, “the cars would stop in the middle of the street and honk and wave her down."
萨拉查说，这“成了2020年全国最大的冷门，因为共和党从未真正想过——包括（前议长）凯文·麦卡锡——我能在没有共和党资金的情况下击败克林顿政府中任职最久的成员”。“所以没错，奇迹确实会发生。”
It “turned out to be the biggest upset in the country in 2020, because the GOP never really thought, including [former Speaker] Kevin McCarthy, that I could defeat the longest serving member of the Clinton administration with no money from the GOP,” Salazar said. “So yeah, miracles happen.”
她说，从在国会大厦宣誓就职的那一刻起，萨拉查就想“谈论、言说、生活和行走于移民议题之中”，这是她本周在会议间隙接受采访时说的。这构成了她在国会山上的性格核心。
From the moment she took her oath in the Capitol, Salazar wanted to “speak and talk and live and walk immigration,” she said in an interview between meetings this week. It formed the crux of her character on the Hill.
在她2025年出版的《尊严而非公民身份：无人告诉你的移民真相》一书中，她把自己描述为一名“带着使命的新人，更不用说还是一个带着索菲娅·维加拉口音的有色人种女性，为了把观点讲清楚而大声说话、挥舞手臂。”
In her 2025 book, Dignity Not Citizenship: The Truth About Immigration No One Is Telling You , she described herself as a freshman “with a mission, not to mention a minority woman with a Sofia Vergara accent, who spoke loudly and waved her arms around to drive home a point.”
她很快与迈阿密的古巴裔议员们结为盟友。共和党众议员马里奥·迪亚斯-巴拉特说：“你知道，当记者和进入这个疯狂的过程之间是有区别的。”
She quickly made allies of her fellow Miami Cuban lawmakers. “There is a difference between, you know, being a journalist and getting into this crazy process,” Republican Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart said.
“她的职业道德非常出色，”他补充说，并称萨拉查“极其投入”。
“Her work ethic is just outstanding,” he added, calling Salazar “exceedingly intense.”
为便利古巴人定居美国而制定的宽松法律，一直使他们在移民群体中成为例外。然而，萨拉扎尔确信，2000年代涌入南佛罗里达的下一波拉美裔并没有如此幸运。因此，她着手构建一个框架，旨在为那些数十年前无证移居美国、却从未获得身份的移民提供合法化途径，她称之为“尊严计划”。
The expansive laws crafted to facilitate the settling of Cubans in the U.S. have always made them an exception among immigrant groups. Yet Salazar was convinced that the next wave of Latinos that came flocking to South Florida in the 2000’s weren’t as fortunate. So she formed the beginnings of a framework that could legalize the swaths of immigrants who had moved without papers to the U.S. decades ago, but had never gotten status.
萨拉扎尔与德克萨斯州民主党众议员维罗妮卡·埃斯科巴（Veronica Escobar）共同推动，为在美多年、永远无法获得绿卡且同意支付数千美元罚款的移民设立一种新的“尊严”身份。萨拉扎尔辩称，该法案将清理法院积压案件，帮助移民填补劳动力缺口，并保障南部边境安全。
She called it the Dignity Plan. Together with Democratic Rep. Veronica Escobar of Texas, she pushed to establish a new “dignity” status for immigrants who’d been living in the U.S. for years, where they would never be eligible for a green card and would agree to pay thousands of dollars in fines. Salazar argues that the bill would clear backlogs in the courts, help immigrants to fill gaps in the workforce and secure the Southern border.
“她的决心几乎是超人的，”德克萨斯州民主党众议员维罗妮卡·埃斯科巴在谈及萨拉扎尔时说。埃斯科巴回忆起他们首次见面时，她“并不喜欢”萨拉扎尔。
“She has determination that is almost superhuman,” Rep. Veronica Escobar (D-Texas) said of Salazar. Escobar remembers that when they first met, she was “not a fan” of Salazar.
“她说，‘你需要对移民问题采取行动，’随后就对我大加指责。我记得当时就在想，‘她到底凭什么这样直接冲我发难？’”埃斯科巴说。
“She said, ‘You need to do something about immigration,’ and just started laying into me. And I remember just thinking, ‘Who the hell does she think she is to walk up and confront me in this way?’”
但这位德克萨斯州民主党人也承认，在她寻找共和党伙伴共同推进两党移民提案时，脑海中唯一浮现的就是萨拉扎尔。
Escobar said. But the Texas Democrat also acknowledged that only Salazar came to mind when she looked for a Republican to partner with on a bipartisan immigration proposal.
“她的决心几乎是超人的，”埃斯科巴说。“她与我多年来合作的许多立法者不同，她几乎执着到近乎痴迷的程度。”
“She has determination that is almost superhuman,” Escobar said. “She is different from a number of legislators that I've worked with over the years, in that respect that she is almost relentless to a point of obsession.”
然而，拜登政府的后期出现的移民危机彻底改变了国会的计算方式。关于移民大篷车通过南部边境涌入的持续头条，加剧了本已将总统视为在移民政策上极度宽松的共和党情绪。
But the latter years of the Biden administration saw an immigration crisis that completely shifted the calculus in Congress. A constant stream of headlines about caravans of immigrants entering through the Southern border inflamed a Republican Party that already viewed the president as dangerously lax on immigration policy.
在他们看来，萨拉查的法案无异于一项“大规模特赦”，只会让本已混乱的边境局势雪上加霜。而随着共和党在2023年掌控众议院，这项法案完全不可能通过。
To them, Salazar’s bill amounted to a “mass amnesty” that would worsen an already chaotic situation on the border. And with the GOP taking control of the House in 2023, it was a complete nonstarter.
对允许更多移民入境的想法感到愤怒的，不只是萨拉查在华盛顿的共和党同僚。在迈阿密，古巴裔共和党人——其中年纪最大的人当时已在美国生活了大半辈子——也坚信必须阻止这股移民潮。那些已成为美国公民的尼加拉瓜、哥伦比亚和委内瑞拉移民也持同样的想法。
It wasn’t just Salazar’s Republican colleagues in Washington who were enraged by the idea of letting in more immigrants. Back in Miami, Cuban Republicans — the oldest of whom had spent half their lives in the U.S., by that point — were also convinced the influx had to stop. Nicaraguan, Colombian and Venezuelan immigrants, the ones who had become U.S. citizens, were thinking the same thing.
这些不满情绪助推了特朗普，他承诺实施美国历史上“规模最大的罪犯驱逐计划”，并在2024年于迈阿密-戴德县取得压倒性胜利。超过三分之二的古巴裔选民把票投给了他。
Those frustrations helped power Trump, who was promising the “largest deportation program of criminals” in American history, to a sweeping victory in Miami-Dade County in 2024. More than two-thirds of Cubans voted for him.
萨拉查曾以反对边境混乱为竞选主张，并将自己的移民改革提案宣传为关闭边境的手段，她以更大的优势赢得连任——领先20个百分点。
Salazar, who had campaigned against the chaos at the border and messaged her immigration reform proposal as a tool for shutting the border, won re-election by an even greater margin — 20 points.
然而仅仅两年后，迈阿密——以及萨拉查的胜选联盟——就面临分裂的风险。
Just two years later, however, Miami — and Salazar’s winning coalition — is at risk of fracturing.
在小哈瓦那第八街那些喧闹、充满音乐的店面之外，在寻找咖啡的游客和忠于多米诺公园棋桌的年长古巴人之外，周边社区仍是萨拉查选区最后几个真正的工薪阶层或中产阶级聚居区之一。在西班牙式建筑的遗迹和遍布各处的古巴国旗壁画之间，这些天街道上大体安静。
Away from the loud, music-filled storefronts of Little Havana’s Calle Ocho , the tourists looking for coffee and the older Cubans loyal to their game tables at Domino Park, the surrounding neighborhood remains one of the last real working or middle class enclaves of Salazar’s district. And amid relics of Spanish architecture and sprawling murals of the Cuban flag, the streets are largely quiet these days.
几乎每个人都认识因害怕 ICE（美国移民与海关执法局）而离开的人。让你的优步司机送你去小哈瓦那，或者多拉尔——萨拉查选区外一个以移民为主的小城市，因委内瑞拉裔居民众多被称为“多拉尔-委内瑞拉” —— 许多人会直接拒绝。他们不敢冒险在那里开车被拦截。这是一种恐惧、沮丧、警惕交织的氛围，是当地居民从未经历过的 —— 我在这里长大，回到这里采写这篇报道时亲身感受到了。
Almost everyone has a story of someone they know who left out of fear of ICE. Ask your Uber driver to take you to Little Havana, or to Doral, a small immigrant-dominated city outside Salazar’s district known as Doral- zuela , and many will flat out tell you no. They can’t risk being stopped in their car there. It’s a level of fear, of frustration, of wariness, that’s unlike anything residents have experienced here — I grew up here, and felt it myself when I returned to report for this story.
“他们把所有人都当罪犯对待，但迈阿密是我们建设起来的，”古巴裔拉票员玛莎·卡布雷拉在敲门拉票时告诉我，她属于 UNITE HERE 355 分会。
“They’re treating everyone like criminals, but we built Miami,” Martha Cabrera, a Cuban canvasser with the UNITE Here local 355 chapter, told me while knocking doors.
我告诉她萨拉查就出生在这个社区。“看起来她忘了，”玛莎回答，她当时正为一个支持埃利奥特·罗德里格斯的独立分支机构敲门拉票。
I told her that Salazar was born in this neighborhood. “It seems like she forgot,” responded Martha, who was doorbelling for an independent offshoot that has backed Eliott Rodriguez.
上图：2025 年 5 月 21 日，迈阿密，美国移民与海关执法局便衣特工将在迈阿密移民法庭被拘留的人员押上国土安全部面包车。
Top: Plainclothes agents from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement load people detained at the Miami Immigration Court into a Department of Homeland Security van on May 21, 2025, in Miami.
下图：2025 年 4 月 25 日，佛罗里达州梅德利，一块电子广告牌轮播着几位有古巴血统的佛州政客照片，包括国务卿马可·鲁比奥、众议员玛丽亚·埃尔维拉·萨拉查、卡洛斯·希梅内斯和马里奥·迪亚斯-巴拉特。
Bottom: A digital billboard flashes pictures of Florida politicians with roots in Cuba, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Reps. Maria Elvira Salazar, Carlos Gimenez and Mario Diaz-Balart, on April 25, 2025, in Medley, Fla.
联邦移民执法和拘留扫荡投下的阴影无法回避。2025 年，大规模 ICE（美国移民与海关执法局）拘留行动席卷全国，将主要城市推向抗议浪潮，迈阿密成为全美 ICE 现场办公室逮捕人数最多的城市。被捕者中包括古巴人——在迈阿密近代史上的大部分时间里，他们被认为不会受到波及。迈阿密市现有的与 ICE 执法合作协议，加上数十万持临时保护身份（TPS）合法在迈阿密生活、工作的移民身份突然被终止，这两个因素交织，为大规模驱逐制造了“完美风暴”。
The shadow cast by federal immigration enforcement and the detention sweeps has been impossible to avoid. As mass ICE detentions swept the country in 2025 and plunged major cities into protest, Miami registered the highest number of ICE arrests of any field office. That included Cubans — who for much of Miami’s recent history were thought to be untouchable. The converging factors of existing city agreements to cooperate with ICE enforcement, and the sudden termination of status for hundreds of thousands of immigrants, living and working in Miami legally under Temporary Protected Status (TPS) designation, created a perfect storm for removals.
在附近，佛罗里达州共和党州长罗恩·德桑蒂斯设立了一个临时拘留中心。因其位于大沼泽地附近，该设施被称为“鳄鱼恶魔岛”，因非人道的拘留条件遭到广泛谴责，直至 6 月关闭。
Nearby loomed the makeshift detention center established by Florida Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis. Dubbed “Alligator Alcatraz” for its location near the Everglades, the facility was widely condemned for inhumane detention conditions until it was shut down in June.
“关键词是 decepcionado（失望/被欺骗），” 当被问及拉美裔选民对拘留政策的感受时，当地活动人士、迈阿密自由项目执行董事安娜·索菲亚·佩拉埃斯解释道，“在英语里，它可以意味着你被欺骗了，也可以仅仅意味着你感到失望。而在西班牙语里，它两层含义都有。”
“The word is decepcionado, ” explained Ana Sofia Pelaez, a local activist and executive director of the Miami Freedom Project, when asked how Latino voters felt about the detention policies. “In English it can mean you were deceived or you were just disappointed.”In Spanish, it means both.
在华盛顿，萨拉萨尔开始就她在家乡听到的情况敲响警钟。她告诉同事们，拉美裔选民很愤怒。这种不加区别的执法不是他们投票支持的结果。她的迈阿密共和党同僚，从迪亚斯-巴拉特、卡洛斯·希门尼斯到地方共和党人，都发出了同样的警示。
In D.C., Salazar started sounding the alarm about what she was hearing back home. Latino voters were angry, she told her colleagues. The indiscriminate enforcement wasn’t what they voted for. Her Miami Republican colleagues, from Diaz-Balart and Carlos Gimenez to local Republicans, raised the same red flags.
她警告共和党领导层，如果执法持续下去，他们将在中期选举中失去拉美裔选民。“这是一个将让我们付出惨痛代价的错误，我一直在告诉我的特朗普政府，也一直在告诉 ICE，”她在 7 月对记者说。
She warned GOP leadership that if the enforcement continued, they would lose Latino voters in the midterms. “That's a mistake that is going to cost us dearly, and I've been telling my Trump administration. I've been telling ICE,” she told reporters in July.
她向众议院共和党同僚解释说，多亏了特朗普，南部边境现在已经关闭。她看到了推动《尊严法案》的机会，该法案是她与埃斯科巴于 2025 年重新提出的。
She explained to fellow House Republicans that, thanks to Trump, the Southern border was now closed. She saw an opening for the Dignity Act, which she had re-introduced along with Escobar in 2025.
“我正试图让共和党成为这样一个政党：向西班牙裔传递他们受欢迎的信息，并表明他们拥有植根于共和党内的相同价值观：敬畏上帝、遵纪守法、纳税、为人善良、勤劳努力，”萨拉查说。“他们已经在这里了，所以让我们给他们尊严，让他们能留下来。”
“I'm trying to make the GOP the party that will send the message to the Hispanics that they're welcomed and that they have the same values that are entrenched in the Republican Party: God-fearing, law-abiding, tax-paying, good people, hard workers,” Salazar said. “They are here, so let's just give them dignity so they can stay.”
然而，她却发现自己陷入了她所谓的“两线作战”：民主党人若无入籍途径的承诺便拒绝与她合作，而许多共和党人则直接彻底否决了她的计划。
Instead, she found herself in what she called a “two-front war”: Democrats wouldn’t work with her without the promise of a path to citizenship, and many Republicans simply rejected her plan outright.
事实上，政府高层盟友、特朗普核心亲信以及萨拉查在国会山的共和党同僚都带头反对该法案。“‘尊严法案’是大规模大赦，将构成对我们选民的严重背叛，”该法案最大批评者之一、得克萨斯州共和党众议员布兰登·吉尔在X平台上写道。她的一位佛罗里达州代表团同僚、共和党众议员兰迪·法因在X平台上写道，该法案“永远不应在众议院见光”。
In fact, top administration allies, key Trump confidants and Salazar’s own GOP colleagues on the Hill lead the charge against the measure. “The Dignity Act is mass amnesty and would constitute a terrible betrayal of our voters,” Republican Rep. Brandon Gill of Texas, one of the bill’s biggest critics, wrote on X . One of her Florida delegation colleagues, Republican Rep. Randy Fine, wrote on X that it “should never see the light of day” in the House.
在反弹达到高潮时，几位极右翼倡导者聚在一起组建了“大规模驱逐联盟”，并有人专门成立了一个政治行动委员会（PAC），以攻击支持“尊严法案”的“亲大赦”候选人。
Several far-right advocates came together to form a Mass Deportation Coalition at the height of the backlash, and some formed a PAC to specifically attack “pro-amnesty” candidates who backed the Dignity Act .
“这位女众议员首先是一名族群游说者，”大规模驱逐联盟的迈克·豪威尔说。
The congresswoman is “first and foremost, an ethno-lobbyist,” said Mike Howell of the Mass Deportation Coalition.
“你在这里干什么，玛丽亚·萨拉查？去加入另一个党吧，”他补充道。“总统怎么能背书一个公然反对其核心主张的人？”
“What are you doing here, Maria Salazar? Go join the other party,” he added. “How can the president endorse somebody who is boldly opposing his central thesis?”
右倾的移民研究中心执行主任马克·克里科里安称该提议“荒谬至极”，以至于该党甚至不应与之接触。克里科里安表示，即使该提议可行，萨拉查也不应成为其代言人，因为“她极其讨厌且咄咄逼人，甚至让我们自己这边的人都感到反感。”
Mark Krikorian, executive director of the right-leaning Center for Immigration Studies, called the proposal “so preposterous” that the party shouldn’t even engage with it. Even if it was viable, Krikorian said, Salazar should not be the face of it because “she’s incredibly obnoxious and aggressive, and turns off people even on our own side.”
萨拉查表示，她因背离“让美国再次伟大”（MAGA）正统而收到死亡威胁，还有人呼吁在党内初选中挑战她。“我不希望共和党失去众议院控制权，但到了这个节骨眼上，玛丽亚·萨拉查和民主党人有什么区别？”劳拉·卢默（Laura Loomer）在4月告诉《政治报》（POLITICO）。
Salazar said she received death threats for her departure from MAGA orthodoxy. There were calls for her to be primaried. “I don't want the Republicans to lose the House, but at this point in time, like, what's the difference between Maria Salazar and a Democrat?”Laura Loomer told POLITICO back in April.
民主党人对她的攻击同样猛烈，因为她按党派路线投票，向国土安全部拨款数十亿美元，而该部门正是负责移民与海关执法局（ICE）拘留扫荡行动的机构。
Democrats have been just as hard on her, for voting along party lines to allocate billions of dollars to the agency behind the ICE detention sweeps, the Homeland Security Department.
“也许曾经她以强硬记者和值得信赖的人著称，但现在人们认识她是一位不可信、不说实话的政客，”萨拉查的民主党对手罗德里格斯（Rodriguez）告诉《政治报杂志》（POLITICO Magazine）。“她总是跟着MAGA投票，大家都没被骗。”
“Maybe at one time she was known as a tough journalist and someone who could be trusted, but by now people know her as a politician who cannot be trusted and who doesn't tell the truth,” Rodriguez, Salazar’s Democratic opponent, told POLITICO Magazine. “She votes with MAGA all the time, and they're not fooled by it.”
夹在两方夹击中，萨拉查在9月回归本行：她上了电视。这一次，对象是特朗普本人。
Caught between two pincers, Salazar went back to her roots in September: She got on TV. This time, with a message for Trump himself.
她站在白宫前，直面镜头，告诉总统：“你的某些移民执法行动已走得太远。”竞选广告接着说：“当心你的顾问在移民政策上给你的建议……那些帮你在2024年进入白宫的西班牙裔选民，如今感到被背叛了。”
Standing in front of the White House, speaking directly to the camera, Salazar told the president that “some of your immigration enforcement efforts have gone too far.”The campaign ad went on: “Be careful what your advisers are telling you about immigration policy … The same Hispanics who helped you get to the White House in 2024 feel betrayed today.”
在迈阿密，几乎没人对这则广告感到意外。但在华盛顿，它引发了一场政治地震，罕见地公开斥责了一位不容党内任何异议的总统。视频迅速走红，点击量达数百万次。
In Miami, almost no one was surprised by the spot. But back in Washington, it hit like a political earthquake, a rare rebuke of a president who tolerates no dissent from the party line. The video went viral, racking up millions of views.
“我想让他直接听到我的声音，”萨拉查说。“我不是在攻击他，我是在预警他。”
“I wanted him to hear directly from me,” Salazar said. “[I was] not attacking him. I was forewarning him.”
“他是搞建设和酒店业的，是商人。他是解决这个延宕40年问题的关键人物，”她补充道。
“He's a construction and hospitality guy. He's a businessman. He is the one to fix this 40-year problem,” she added.
对极右翼——即相信特朗普竞选承诺的“美国优先”分子——来说，她的立场已经构成了对共和党未来的“生存威胁”。但这则广告？点名总统？就在白宫前？这已经越界。
To the far-right — the “America First” believers in Trump’s campaign promises — her position had already represented an “existential threat” to the future of the Republican Party. But the ad? Name-checking the president? Right in front of the White House? It crossed a line.
愤怒的来电者涌向迈阿密的古巴广播节目，打电话说萨拉查尔（Salazar）做得太过分。古巴保守派广播界的巨头之一、“La Poderosa”主持人尼诺斯卡·佩雷斯·卡斯特隆（Ninoska Pérez Castellón）也在接听这些来电。她说，写这则广告的人让萨拉查尔“做了大坏事”——是一种不公。
Angry callers inundated Miami’s Cuban radio shows, phoning in to say Salazar went too far. Ninoska Pérez Castellón, host at “La Poderosa” and one of the giants of the Cuban conservative airwaves, was among the radio hosts fielding the calls. Whoever wrote the ad, she said, did Salazar “un gran mal” — a disservice.
佩雷斯·卡斯特隆说：“她本可以不使用那种语言而表达同样的意思。她用了‘背叛’这个词。那（特朗普）‘背叛’了我们。我不知道我是否同意。”
“She could have said the same thing without using the language that she used,” Pérez Castellón said. “The word she used is ‘betrayed.’ That [Trump] ‘betrayed’ us. I don’t know if I agree.”
起初，特朗普对萨拉查尔稍显宽容。他没有撤回对她的支持，反而对记者说她是个“好人”，只是在边境问题上“有点软”。
At first, Trump showed Salazar a little grace. Rather than revoke his endorsement, he told reporters she was a “nice person” who “got a little bit soft on the border.”
随后他改变了主意。他重新转发了一系列在Truth Social上的帖子攻击她，甚至在某些情况下呼吁更换她。
Then he had a change of heart. He re-shared a series of Truth Social posts attacking her, and in some cases, calling for her replacement.
在一张长桌的正中，身旁坐着她所在选区南部社区的共和党市长们，萨拉查尔于十月的一个清晨主持会议。数百名与会者从迈阿密的知名企业代表到普通选民齐聚，上午7点半在南迈阿密的经典场所Casa Cuba与她见面。
Sitting at the center of a long table, flanked by the Republican mayors from the southern neighborhoods of her district, Salazar held court on a recent October morning. Hundreds of attendees packed the meeting, from prominent Miami industry reps to regular constituents, all gathered at 7:30 am to meet her at Casa Cuba, a classic South Miami spot.
主持早餐会的迈阿密社区报（Miami Community Newspapers）记者格兰特·米勒（Grant Miller）邀请这位国会议员上小舞台，并单膝跪地递给她一叠文件，随后开玩笑说要和她结婚。萨拉查尔戴着亮红色阅读眼镜，毫不迟疑地开始她的移民议题陈述。她对现场说：“我相信特朗普会签署移民改革法案，而那将是‘尊严法案’。一旦‘尊严法案’通过，我的工作就完成了。”
Grant Miller of Miami Community Newspapers, which hosted the breakfast for Salazar, invited the congresswoman up to the small stage and got down on one knee to hold her stack of papers, not long after joking he would marry her. Donning bright red reading glasses, Salazar without delay launched into her immigration pitch. “I do believe Trump will sign immigration reform law, and it will be Dignity,” she told the room. “Once the Dignity Act passes, I will have done my job.”
萨拉查在 Casa Cuba 餐厅内接受媒体采访。“我正试图让共和党成为那个向西班牙裔传递‘你们受欢迎’这一信息的政党，”萨拉查对《政治人物》杂志说。
Salazar speaks with the press inside the Casa Cuba restaurant. “I'm trying to make the GOP the party that will send the message to the Hispanics that they're welcomed," Salazar told POLITICO Magazine.
即使在竞选日益激烈、争议不断的最后冲刺阶段，萨拉查也没有退缩，坚持让她在党内许多人眼中成为异类的立场。这使她成为一个测试案例：在大规模驱逐出境的时代，共和党人能否在以拉美裔为多数的选区获胜。
Even in the final stretch of an increasingly competitive — and contentious — race, Salazar has not backed down from the position that has made her a pariah to many in her party. It’s made her a test case for whether a Republican can win a majority Latino district in the era of mass deportation.
在 Casa Cuba 餐厅外，早餐后坐在铺着瓷砖的桌旁，拉莫娜·图蒙和米尔拉·洛雷多惋惜没能和这位女众议员合影。这对古裔好友于 20 世纪 60 年代末移居迈阿密。洛雷多毫不掩饰地告诉我：她不支持《尊严法案》，也不喜欢萨拉查的竞选广告。图蒙则支持该提案。她试图说服洛雷多，但无济于事。
Outside Casa Cuba, sitting at a tiled table after the breakfast, Ramona Tumon and Mirla Loredo lamented they weren’t able to grab a photo with the congresswoman. The pair of friends, both Cuban, moved to Miami in the late 60’s. Loredo told me in no uncertain terms: she’s not a fan of the Dignity Act and she didn’t like Salazar’s ad. Tumon, however, did support the proposal. She tried to convince Loredo to no avail.
两人早已投下全票共和党选票，包括投给萨拉查。我问洛雷多，既然不同意她的标志性政策主张，为什么还要投给萨拉查？她说她不希望共和党失去众议院控制权。
Both already voted Republican up and down the ballot, including for Salazar. Why vote for Salazar, I asked Loredo, if you disagree with her signature policy proposal? She said she didn’t want the GOP to lose the House.
洛雷多说，古裔共和党人可能对萨拉查感到愤怒，但不得不咬牙投共和党的票。“No les queda más remedio，”她说。“她们别无选择。”
Cuban Republicans may be angry with Salazar, Loredo said, but they have to vote GOP in spite of it. “ No les queda más remedio,” she said. “They don’t have another choice.”
“Tienen que votar por ella, sino nos toca el otro，”洛雷多补充道。“必须投给她，否则就轮到另一个家伙了，”指的是罗德里格斯。一名男子在竞选活动现场聆听玛丽亚·埃尔维拉·萨拉查的演讲。
“ Tienen que votar por ella, sino nos toca el otro,” Loredo added. “They have to vote for her, or else we get the other guy,” referring to Rodriguez. A man listens as Maria Elvira Salazar speaks at a campaign event.
萨拉查仍以微弱优势领先。她的支出远超罗德里格斯，后者在整个竞选期间未在广播电视上投放任何广告。他获得了民主党众议院竞选委员会的最后时刻注资，以及众议院多数党政治行动委员会的第十一小时投入，但根据佛罗里达国际大学爱德华多·加马拉的数据，共和党拥有约 4.5 万名选民的注册优势。
Salazar remains a slight favorite to win. She has significantly outspent Rodriguez, who has gone through the race without any ads on broadcast TV. He’s the beneficiary of a late infusion of support from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and an 11th hour spend by the House Majority PAC, but the GOP has a voter registration edge of about 45,000 voters, according to Florida International University’s Eduardo Gamarra.
最新的佛罗里达国际大学（FIU）古巴民调——该民调已对该社区进行多年追踪——发现，76%的受访者不赞成政府对古巴裔国民的移民打压行动——但68%的古巴裔选民仍计划在下周投票给其选区的共和党候选人。
The latest FIU Cuba poll , which has been surveying the community for years, found that 76% of respondents disapprove of the administration’s immigration crackdown on Cuban nationals — but 68% of Cubans still plan to vote for the GOP candidate in their district next week.
然而，随着强劲逆风袭击共和党，且特朗普的支持率大幅下滑，共和党的投票率绝非板上钉钉——无论是在迈阿密还是其他任何地方。“他们对去投票缺乏热情，”加马拉说。对许多拉美裔共和党人而言，“他们不会转投他党，只是单纯不打算露面。”
Yet with significant headwinds buffeting the Republican Party, and Trump’s approval rating plummeting, GOP turnout is by no means guaranteed — in Miami or anywhere else. “They're not enthusiastic about going out to the polls,” Gamarra said. For many Latino Republicans, “they're not switching parties, and they're just simply not going to show up.”
委内瑞拉裔活动家、拉美胜利组织的阿德利斯·费罗表示，如果共和党人确实在选举日现身投票，可能是因为萨拉查的古巴裔基本盘中依然盛行着对“让美国再次伟大”（MAGA）运动的深厚忠诚，这种认同植根于特朗普的反社会主义和法治秩序信息传递。
If Republicans do show up on Election Day, said Venezuelan activist Adelys Ferro of Latino Victory, it may be due to the deep loyalty to MAGA that still thrives in Salazar’s Cuban base, an affinity rooted in Trump’s anti-socialist and law-and-order messaging.
民主党对萨拉查的抨击同样猛烈，理由是她按党派路线投票，向执行移民与海关执法局（ICE）拘捕扫荡行动的国土安全部拨付数十亿美元资金。“如果她输了，”费罗辩称，“那是她自找的。”
Democrats have been just as hard on Salazar, for voting along party lines to allocate billions of dollars to the agency behind the ICE detention sweeps, the Homeland Security Department. “If she loses,” Ferro argued, “it’s on her.”
即便萨拉查在周二获胜，她的麻烦也远未结束。她届时很可能将作为众议院少数党成员重返华盛顿。她所倡导的《共和党尊严法案》的联合提案人中，有不成比例的高比例可能无法在自己的连选中幸存。特朗普任期最后两年为萨拉查兑现其屡次保证——即他将签署全面移民改革——设定了一个硬性截止日期，但迄今他未给出任何迹象表明愿意在该问题上违背MAGA基本盘。
Should Salazar win on Tuesday, her problems will be far from over. She’ll likely return to Washington as a member of the House minority. A disproportionate number of her Republican Dignity Act co-sponsors may not survive their own re-elections. Trump’s final two years have set a hard deadline to make good on Salazar’s repeated assurances that he’ll sign sweeping immigration reform, but he’s given no indication to date that he’s willing to buck the MAGA base on the issue.
对于选民在11月3日将如何抉择，萨拉查避免做任何宏大预测。“我了解第27选区，恐怕比任何人都透彻，”她在“古巴之家”活动后对记者说，此时一排选民正排队等着与她合影。“如果他们认为我干得不错，不管党派归属如何，他们都会让我回去。”
Salazar has demurred from making any grand predictions about what voters will do on Nov. 3. “I know District Number 27 probably better than anybody,” she told reporters after the Casa Cuba event, as a line of constituents formed to get photos with her. “If they think that I've done a good job, they'll bring me back, regardless of the political affiliation.”Read the original article on Politico