字号·· | 护眼
微软全国广播公司

废除《投票权法》是错误的。黑人选民投票率再高也改变不了这一点Gutting the Voting Rights Act was wrong. Black voter turnout, however high, won’t change that.

点「原文对照」整页切到原文,或双击某段只看那段的原文。

2019年11月16日,在路易斯安那州奎特曼的一个投票站,一名选民在路易斯安那州州长决选投票期间领取了一张“我已投票”贴纸。A person gets an "I Voted" sticker during a runoff election for Louisiana Governor at a polling station on Nov. 16, 2019 in Quitman, La.

早在本次选举的第一张选票被清点之前,黑人选民就已经失去了一样宝贵的东西:一道防止政客削弱我们权力的关键保护。

Long before the first ballot was counted in this election, Black voters had already lost something precious: a crucial protection against politicians trying to draw away our power.

今年4月,最高法院在“路易斯安那州诉卡莱斯案”中的裁决掏空了《投票权法》中防止种族歧视性选举地图的保护条款。在路易斯安那州,后果立竿见影:一张拥有两个黑人占多数选区的国会地图,被替换成只有单一此类选区的地图。在全国各地,政客们着手精准地切割和削弱黑人的政治权力,这是对棕色人种选民发动攻击的前奏,也是功能健全的多种族民主进一步退化的前奏。

In April, the Supreme Court’s decision in Louisiana v. Callais gutted the Voting Rights Act’s protection against racially discriminatory electoral maps. In Louisiana, the consequences were immediate: a congressional map with two majority-Black districts was replaced by one with only a single such district. Across the country , politicians moved to surgically crack and undermine Black political power , a precursor to attacks on brown voters and the further degeneration of a functioning multi-racial democracy.

黑人选民首当其冲,但拉丁裔、亚裔美国人和太平洋岛民以及美洲原住民选民同样处于他们的瞄准镜之中。因为威权主义者憎恶多样性,尤其当我们敢于发声的时候。

Black voters came first, but Latino and AAPI and Native American voters are also in their crosshairs. Because authoritarians despise diversity, especially when we have the audacity to speak up.

美国黑人应对此类攻击的方式,历来昭示着这个国家如何才能摆脱其最糟糕的冲动。

The way Black Americans meet such attacks has always signaled how the nation can be saved from its worst impulses.

如今,在这项裁决之后的首次联邦大选中,美国选民正在投票,黑人选民如何回应关乎我们所有人。因为威权主义者从不会止步于第一个目标,而美国黑人应对此类攻击的方式,历来昭示着这个国家如何才能摆脱其最糟糕的冲动。

Now, as Americans vote in the first federal general election since that decision, how Black voters respond matters to all of us. Because authoritarians never stop at the first target, and the way Black Americans meet such attacks has always signaled how the nation can be saved from its worst impulses.

抵抗的早期迹象来自路易斯安那州本身。在提前投票的第一天,黑人选民占已记录选票的近32%,这一比例高于过去18年中几乎任何一个提前投票首日;新奥尔良的Verite News报道称,在该州的提前投票周期间,“今年投出提前选票的黑人选民人数,超过了过去十年中任何一次中期选举或州长选举。”据该新闻机构称,此前的高点是黑人选民投出的15.6万张提前选票,但“今年这一数字接近18万。”

An early indication of resistance comes from Louisiana itself. Black voters accounted for nearly 32 percent of ballots recorded on the first day of early voting, a larger share than on almost any other opening day in the past 18 years, and Verite News in New Orleans reported that during the state’s week of early voting, “More Black voters cast early ballots this year than in any other midterm or gubernatorial election in the past decade.”According to that newsroom, the previous highwater mark was 156,000 early votes from Black voters, but, “ This year, it was nearly 180,000 .”

不只是路易斯安那州。据全国各地的报道,有色人种选民正大量涌向投票站,引领这一趋势的是曾见过这种策略的黑人公民。2026年10月26日 / 02:32周二的投票率数据可能显示出前所未有的参与度,但若果真如此,我们就必须抵制一个熟悉而危险的问题:如果黑人选民大规模现身投票,那么摆在他们面前的障碍还重要吗?

It’s not just Louisiana. According to reports across the country , voters of color are surging to the polls, led by the example of Black citizens who have seen this strategy before. October 26, 2026 / 02:32 Tuesday’s turnout numbers might show unprecedented engagement, but if so, then we must resist a familiar and dangerous question: If Black voters show up en masse, do the barriers placed before them matter?

参与并不能消除歧视。一名选民可以投下选票,而她的社区仍可能被分割进旨在削弱其影响力的选区。一个街区可以以极高的投票率参与投票,却仍被剥夺公平的机会,无法选出在地方、州和联邦层面回应其需求的人。他们或许从国会开始,但影响深深触及我们居住的地方。衡量一个民主制度的标准,不能是其人民设法克服了多少障碍。

Participation does not erase discrimination. A voter can cast a ballot and still have her community divided among districts designed to weaken its influence. A neighborhood can turn out in extraordinary numbers and still be denied a fair opportunity to elect someone who will answer to its needs at the local, state and federal levels. They may start with Congress, but the effects reach deep into where we live. The measure of a democracy cannot be how many obstacles its people manage to overcome.

因为压制选民的危险并不止于梅森-迪克森线。在南方试验过的恶行总会蔓延。卡利斯案削弱了一项属于全美各地美国人的保护,而这正是关键所在。在全国各地,本届政府正在攻击选民的权利,也在攻击各州捍卫这些权利的权力。任何州都不应以为自己的地理位置或政治生态能使其免受本届政府威权计划的波及。

Because the danger of voter suppression does not stop at the Mason-Dixon line. The evils tested in the South always migrate. Callais weakens a protection that belongs to Americans everywhere, and that is the point. Across the country, this administration is attacking both the rights of voters and the authority of states to defend those rights. No state should assume that its geography or its politics will shield it from the administration’s authoritarian project.

路易斯安那州彻底打破了2022年的提前投票总数纪录,提前投票选民中黑人选民占比超过34%(高于2022年提前投票中25.9%的黑人选民比例,而当年选举日的比例仅略低一些)。这再次表明,这场选举的接近程度可能出人意料。——杰夫·阿舍(@jeffasher.bsky.social)2026-10-28T11:29:08.728Z美国政治的决定性分界线将不再是民主党州与共和党州之间的分界,而是威权州与民主州之间的分界:前者是领导人操纵规则以保住权力的州,后者是人民保留选择——以及更换——领导人权力的州。

Louisiana absolutely eviscerated 2022's early vote total with more than 34% of the EV being black voters (up from 25.9% black voters in 2022 EV which was only slightly lower on election day). Again points to a race that could be surprisingly closer than expected. —Jeff Asher (@jeffasher.bsky.social) 2026-10-28T11:29:08.728Z The defining line in American politics will not be between Democratic states and Republican states. It will be between authoritarian states and democracy states: those where leaders manipulate the rules to hold on to power, and those where the people retain the power to choose—and change—their leaders.

我对投票权的关注自然而然地扩展为一场反对威权主义的使命,因为其危害不限于一次选举或一个地区。民主是一种切实的工具,用以实现可负担性、生育自由、气候行动、公平的移民政策和正义。投票只是开场。

My focus on voting rights naturally expanded to a mission against authoritarianism because the harm is not to one election or one region. Democracy is a practical tool to deliver affordability, reproductive freedom, climate action, fair immigration policy and justice. Voting is the opening act.

对于那些把《Callais》案斥为政治手段、把对选民压制的警觉斥为小题大做的人,你们正落入他们的设计之中。威权主义者希望你们低估他们的意图。摧毁我们的生活方式并不需要取消选举。事实上,这种威权主义颇为狡猾。它通过掏空选举来推进——让人们能够投票,同时不断限制他们更换统治者的能力。当领导人能够使自己与他们本应服务的社区隔绝开来时,机器依然运转,而问责却悄然流失。

To those who dismiss Callais as a political maneuver and dismiss alarm at voter suppression as histrionics, you’re following their design. Authoritarians hope you underestimate their intention. Destroying our way of life does not require canceling elections. In fact, this strain of autocracy is clever. It advances by hollowing elections out—allowing people to vote while steadily limiting their ability to change who governs them. When leaders can insulate themselves from the communities they are supposed to serve, then the machinery remains while accountability slips away.

你的房租上涨,油价要对照数据中心推动的电费上涨来权衡,食品杂货的开支要对照哪张处方可以再等等来掂量。因为他们知道,你的名字不在选票上,但你的人生在——而他们毫不在意。2026年5月9日 / 07:57通过“10步运动”,我致力于帮助美国人认识到,对我们权利、我们的制度和我们的社区的攻击如何相互配合,构成一套威权主义剧本——以及我们该如何回应。不是为了拯救一个概念,而是为了拯救我们自己。

Your rent rises, the price of gas gets negotiated against a data center-driven utility bill hike, and the cost of groceries gets measured against which prescription can wait to be filled. Because they know your name is not on the ballot, but your life is—and they don’t care. May 9, 2026 / 07:57 Through the 10 Steps Campaign , I have worked to help Americans recognize how attacks on our rights, our institutions and our communities fit together into an authoritarian playbook—and how we can respond. Not to save a concept. To save ourselves.

我们的框架呼吁人们分享信息、组织起来、动员、提起诉讼,并要求实现更强有力的民主。选举领导人是这项工作的重要组成部分。但投票并非魔法。它是良药,我们必须施用这剂良药,并持续关注进展。正因如此,我们的承诺必须在周二的选举结果之后继续存在。

Our framework calls on people to share information, organize, mobilize, litigate and demand a stronger democracy. Electing leaders is one essential part of that work. But voting is not magic. It is medicine, and we must administer it and keep showing up to check on progress. That is why our commitment must survive Tuesday’s results.

不应指望黑人社区在承受美国民主失败最沉重负担的同时,还要去拯救美国民主。

Black communities should not be expected to rescue American democracy while bearing the greatest burden of its failures.

选举日之后,我们必须维系那些在竞选间隙捍卫选民权益的组织。我们必须在选区划分、选举规则辩论时持续到场。我们必须要求州和联邦层面的立法者制定强有力的、可执行的保护措施,防止投票中的种族歧视——这些措施应着眼于实际效果,而非明确意图。

After Election Day, we must sustain the organizations that defend voters between campaigns. We must keep showing up when districts are drawn, and election rules are debated. We must demand that legislators at the state and federal levels enshrine strong, enforceable protections against racial discrimination in voting, ones that look at actual effect rather than explicit intent.

我们所有人都与此利害攸关,因此责任属于我们所有人。不应指望黑人社区在承受美国民主失败最沉重负担的同时,还要去拯救美国民主。那些称赞黑人投票率的捐赠者、机构和邻居,也必须投资于使平等参与成为可能的工作。

We all have a stake in this, and thus the responsibilities belong to all of us. Black communities should not be expected to rescue American democracy while bearing the greatest burden of its failures. The donors, institutions and neighbors who celebrate Black turnout must also invest in the work that makes equal participation possible.

如果你还没有投票,请投出你的一票。帮助他人行使他们的权利。而在周三,找到那些现在为你工作的新领导人,要求他们履行职责。

If you haven’t already done so, cast your ballot. Help someone else exercise their right. And Wednesday, find the new leaders who now work for you and demand that they do their jobs..

无论结果如何,反对威权主义的斗争都将继续。我们的任务是确保我们在选举日行使的权力,变成人民在此后每一天都能行使的权力。

Whatever the results, the fight against authoritarianism will continue. Our task is to ensure that the power we exercise on Election Day becomes power the people can exercise every day after it.

阅读媒体原文 ↗