字号·· | 护眼
德国之声

中期选举后特朗普可能对伊朗有何计划?What might Trump have planned for Iran following the midterm election?

点「原文对照」整页切到原文,或双击某段只看那段的原文。

路透社援引三名伊朗高级官员和另一名消息人士的话称,伊朗故意拖延谈判,以在政治上削弱特朗普。图片来源:布伦丹·斯米亚洛夫斯基/法新社The Reuters news agency cited three senior Iranian officials and an additional source as saying that Iran has deliberately prolonged talks to weaken Trump politically Image: Brendan Smialowski/AFP

美国共和党正迎接中期选举,特朗普政府似乎既无法取胜,也无法通过外交手段解决伊朗战争。若共和党失去对美国国会的控制,政府将在特朗普第二任期的余下时间里面对全然不同的政治格局,但战争的走向并非仅在华盛顿或德黑兰决定。

US Republican Party is entering the midterm elections with Donald Trump 's administration seemingly unable to either win or diplomatically resolve the Iran war the Republicans lose control of the US Congress the administration will have to navigate an entirely different political landscape for the rest of Trump's second term, but the course of the war is not decided just in Washington — or in Tehran.

为寻找可能使伊朗局势倾向战争或和平的关键因素,德国之声采访了华盛顿智库DAWN的欧米德·梅马里安(Omid Memarian),该智库专注于改革美国的中东政策;以及总部设在芬兰的政治学者莱拉·莫罗瓦蒂(Leila Morovati);还有荷兰莱顿大学国际关系教授巴巴克·雷扎埃达亚肯纳里(Babak Rezaeedaryakenari)。

Seeking to identify key factors that could tip the balance towards war or peace in Iran DW spoke with Omid Memarian of DAWN, a Washington-based think tank focused on reforming the US's Middle East policy; the Finland-based political scientist Leila Morovati; and Babak Rezaeedaryakenari, a professor of international relations at Leiden University in the Netherlands.

  1. 美国中期选举:特朗普将面临更大审视?梅马里安对德国之声表示,若民主党获胜,特朗普将被迫更多关注国内事务,并可能在国会中暴露战争的财政成本。然而,特朗普仍可能在未正式宣战的情况下对伊朗进行有限的空袭。
  1. US midterms: Is Trump set for more scrutiny? A Democratic victory would push Trump to focus more on domestic issues and would likely expose the financial costs of the war in the US Congress, Memarian told DW. However, Trump could continue limited strikes on Iran without formally declaring war.

梅马里安说,特朗普将在周二选举后寻求一种“保全面子”的出路。

Memarian said Trump would seek a way out that "saves face" after Tuesday's election.

梅马里安指出,特朗普执政期间,伊朗正与“一位行为方式不同于传统政治家的对手”进行“一场巨大的赌博”。这增加了重新发动攻击的风险。伊朗新近的报复威胁有多严重?

With Trump, Memarian said, Iran is engaged in a "big gamble with someone who does not behave like a conventional politician." This increases the risk of renewed attacks. How serious are Iran's new threats of retaliation?

雷扎埃达亚肯纳里也表达了类似观点:“总统拥有广泛的权力和行动自由,尤其是在外交政策和军事行动方面。即便共和党失利,且国会施加更大压力,也不一定能阻止新的攻击。”

To view this video, and Rezaeedaryakenari made a similar point: "The president has broad authority and freedom of action, especially in foreign policy and the conduct of military operations. A Republican defeat, even with increased pressure from Congress, doesn't necessarily stop new attacks."

  1. 以色列僵局给内塔尼亚胡带来压力以色列10月27日的选举以僵局收场。无论是以在任总理本杰明·内塔尼亚胡为核心的联盟,还是以前军队参谋长加迪·埃森科特为首的阵营,都未能获得绝对多数。
  1. Deadlock in Israel puts pressure on Netanyahu Israel's October 27 election ended in deadlock. Neither the coalition around incumbent Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu nor the camp supporting former IDF chief Gadi Eisenkot managed to secure an outright majority.

Memarian说,政治不确定性可能促使内塔尼亚胡在仍掌握权力时采取重大决策,这使得过渡期成为重新升级的“最脆弱、最危险”时期。

Memarian said the political uncertainty could push Netanyahu to act on major decisions while he still wields power — making the transition period the "most fragile and dangerous" for renewed escalation.

以色列选举未出现明确赢家 以色列政府更替不会从根本上改变以色列对伊朗的政策,Memarian说。内塔尼亚胡的主要对手、前参谋长加迪·艾森科特“可能更尊重美国”,并将与华盛顿更密切协调。但与特朗普的关系是个人关系,艾森科特“肯定不会像内塔尼亚胡那样,能向特朗普兜售任何计划或情景”。Rezaeedaryakenari说,以色列对伊朗的安全担忧“并不仅限于内塔尼亚胡本人”。新政府可能改变对抗的时机以及与华盛顿的协调方式,但安全部门和执政联盟也将影响攻击的风险,他说。

No clear winner emerges in Israel's election A change of government in Israel would not fundamentally alter Israel's Iran policy Memarian said. Netanyahu's main rival, former military chief Gadi Eisenkot, "may be more deferential to America" and coordinate more closely with Washington. But ties with Trump are personal, and Eisenkot "certainly won't be like Netanyahu, who could sell any plan or scenario to Trump." Rezaeedaryakenari said Israel 's security concerns about Iran "are not limited to Netanyahu himself." A new government could change the timing of a confrontation and coordination with Washington, but the security establishment and ruling coalition would also shape the risk of an attack, he said.

  1. 核僵局:“紧张升级的阶梯”伊朗的核计划仍然是两国政府之间最大的悬而未决的问题,美国拒绝伊朗关于该计划仅用于民用目的的说法。但双方也在谈判本身应如何设立的问题上存在分歧,Memarian说。
  1. Nuclear impasse: 'The ladder of tension' Iran's nuclear program remains the biggest open issue between the governments, with the US rejecting the Iranian narrative that the program is meant only for civilian use But the two sides are also at odds on how the talks themselves should be set up, Memarian said.

“美国希望谈判不仅从关注伊朗的核计划开始,而且从一开始就要有让步,”他说。

"The US wants negotiations to start not only with a focus on Iran's nuclear program, but with concessions right at the outset," he said.

伊朗寻求在核谈判开始前解除制裁并释放被冻结资产。如果双方没有接近,Memarian警告说,重新开战的可能性将上升。

Iran seeks the lifting of sanctions and the release of frozen assets before nuclear talks begin. If the sides don't move closer, Memarian warns, the odds of a renewed war rise.

直到双方就议程达成一致,Memarian说,他们很可能会继续“攀登紧张局势之梯”。总部位于芬兰的政治分析人士Morovati表示,核计划是这场对峙的“核心”。她说,伊朗政府将其视为生存保障和筹码。反过来,华盛顿担心,拥有核武器的伊朗将颠覆其对中东及更远地区的安全计算和长期战略,这就是为什么它坚持将此问题首先摆上谈判桌。

Until the sides agree on an agenda, Memarian said, they are likely to keep "climbing the ladder of tension." Morovati, a Finland-based political analyst, said the nuclear program was "the crux" of the standoff. Iran's government sees it as a survival guarantee and bargaining chip, she said. In turn, Washington fears that a nuclear Iran would upend its security calculations and long-term strategy for the Middle East and beyond, which is why it insists on putting the issue on the table first.

  1. 霍尔木兹海峡:伊朗的筹码也是风险因素吗?在美国和以色列于二月底发动战争之前,世界约20%的石油通过霍尔木兹海峡运输。伊朗此后大幅削减了通过这一海上咽喉要道的能源出口,将其作为对美国和以色列施压的筹码。
  1. Strait of Hormuz: Is Iran's leverage also a risk factor? Before the United States and Israel launched the war in late February, about 20% of the world's oil passed through the Strait of Hormuz Iran has since drastically cut on the energy exports through the naval chokepoint using at as leverage on US and Israel.

但是,Memarian表示,伊朗在海峡的限制本身不会引发升级。

But, Memarian said, Iran's restrictions in the strait won't trigger escalation on their own.

Memarian说,如果美国官员认为需要发动更广泛的攻击来改变伊朗的计算,任何事件都可能成为借口。如果华盛顿认为风险过高,它可能会选择实施经济封锁,同时保持谈判桌上的对话。在这种情况下,这位美国分析人士表示,“即使霍尔木兹海峡偶尔出现紧张局势,也不会将美国拖入战争”。

Should US officials decide that a broader attack is needed to change Iran's calculations, any incident could serve as a pretext, Memarian said. If Washington considers the risks too high, it may opt for an economic blockade while keeping negotiations on the table. In that scenario, "even occasional tensions in the Strait of Hormuz won't pull America into war," according to the US-based analyst.

  1. 也门胡塞武装:伊朗的盟友,而非下属也门的胡塞叛军也一直在针对红海上的能源出口——包括对沙特城市和基础设施的袭击。但Memarian指出,尽管这些也门叛军与德黑兰在意识形态上关系密切,但他们的根源和斗争是“完全国内性和自发性的”。
  1. The Houthis in Yemen: Iran's allies, not subordinates The Houthi rebels in Yemen have also been targeting energy exports on the Red Sea — including attacks on Saudi cities and infrastructure. But Memarian notes the Yemeni rebels' roots and struggle are "entirely domestic and organic" despite their ideological closeness to Tehran.

Memarian表示,胡塞武装做出了“务实的计算”,他们的行动不一定会转化为伊朗和美国之间的升级。尽管如此,美国仍可能利用叛军的行动作为借口再次袭击伊朗。

Memarian said the Houthis made "pragmatic calculations" and their actions did not necessarily translate into an escalation between Iran and the United States. Still, the United States could use the rebels' action as a pretext to strike Iran again.

也门胡塞武装与沙特阿拉伯之间的战斗持续。Rezaeedaryakenari 对此给出了略有不同的评估。他说,胡塞武装对航运和该地区国家的袭击,“既可能扩大战争,也可能加速针对伊朗共和国的联盟建设”。不想与德黑兰开战的国家“可能会转向更紧密的军事合作,以保护其贸易和安全”。他补充说,这不一定意味着直接参战,“但可能会缩小伊朗共和国的操作空间”。

More fighting between Yemen's Houthis, Saudi Arabia Rezaeedaryakenari offered a slightly different assessment. Houthi attacks on shipping and on countries in the region, he says, "can both widen the war and accelerate coalition-building against the Islamic Republic." Countries that don't want war with Tehran "may turn to closer military cooperation to protect their trade and security." That doesn't necessarily mean entering the war directly, he adds, "but it could narrow the Islamic Republic's room for maneuver."

  1. 区域调解人:四个利益攸关的国家由于伊朗和美国政府之间的直接谈判陷入僵局,世界将目光转向了卡塔尔、阿曼、巴基斯坦和沙特阿拉伯。虽然每个国家在这场危机中扮演的角色不同,但它们都有直接利益,希望结束战争。“它们与美国关系密切,但也希望与伊朗保持联系,并建立区域联盟以防止未来的冲突,”Memarian 说。
  1. Regional mediators: Four countries with a lot at stake With direct talks between the governments of Iran and the United States stalled, the world turned its attention to Qatar, Oman, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. While each nation plays a different role in the crisis, they all have a direct stake in ending the war "They are close to the US, but also want to maintain ties with Iran and build regional alliances to prevent future conflicts," Memarian said.

Morovati 表示,美国在战争期间未能支持其阿拉伯盟友,最终可能促使这些国家重新考虑其政策,并转向美国的对手。

Morovati said the failure of the United States to support its Arab allies during the war could eventually push them to reconsider their policies and turn to the US's rivals.

  1. 特朗普政府在选举后将采取什么行动?竞选期间,特朗普表示,他预计中期选举后不久将与伊朗达成协议。与此同时,路透社引述三名高级伊朗官员和一名额外消息人士的话报道说,德黑兰故意拖延谈判,以削弱特朗普的政治地位。
  1. What will Trump administration do after the election? During the campaign, Trump said he expected a deal with Iran soon after the midterm elections. Meanwhile, the Reuters news agency cited three senior Iranian officials and an additional source as saying that Tehran has deliberately prolonged talks to weaken Trump politically.

Memarian 表示,伊朗领导人认为,共和党失败将增加对特朗普结束战争的压力。但特朗普将继续是关键的外交政策决策者,国会压力不太可能起决定性作用。

Memarian said Iran's leaders believed that a Republican defeat would increase pressure on Trump to end the war. But Trump will remain the key foreign policy decision-maker, and congressional pressure is unlikely to play a deciding role.

他说,当前时刻是结束对峙的“最佳时机”,以便在特朗普于2029年1月卸任之前达成协议。

He said the present moment offers the "best opportunity" to end the standoff before Trump leaves office in January 2029.

“伊朗领导人需要思考他们的最终目标,”梅马里安说,并警告称特朗普可能会发动大规模袭击,造成严重破坏,然后宣称胜利。伊朗冲突:战争新阶段是否迫在眉睫?

"Iran's leaders need to think about their endgame," Memarian said, warning that Trump could launch a massive attack, inflict serious damage and then declare victory. Iran conflict: Could a new phase of the war be imminent?

雷扎伊·达里亚肯纳里表示,“升级因素”将在未来几个月占据上风——军事升级的可能性很高。

Rezaeedaryakenari said "escalatory factors" would have the upper hand in the coming months — and the likelihood of a military escalation is high.

伊朗政府只有通过根本性的政策转变,并作出该国领导人会视为接近投降的让步,才能避免新一轮战争。然而他表示,这种退让也会通过削弱意识形态正当性和侵蚀支持基础,威胁政权的生存。

Iran's government can only avert a new round of war with a fundamental policy shift and concessions that the country's leaders would consider close to surrender. However, he said, such a retreat would also threaten the regime's survival by weakening its ideological justification and eroding support.

  1. 经济代价:交战各方未达崩溃点随着战争进入第九个月,高油价、航运风险和经济压力正给各方施加压力。这是否会推动德黑兰、华盛顿和地区首都走向妥协?
  1. Economic toll: Warring parties not at breaking point High oil prices, shipping risks and economic strain are putting pressure on all sides as the war enters its ninth month. Could that push Tehran, Washington and regional capitals toward compromise?

“经济是这场战争每个参与方的阿喀琉斯之踵,”莫罗瓦蒂说,“这甚至适用于地区以外的国家。”能源价格作为对美国政府的压力来源,莫罗瓦蒂说。

"The economy is the Achilles' heel of every party to this war," Morovati said, "and that holds even for countries beyond the region." Energy prices as a source of pressure on the US government Morovati said.

“我们看到,能源供应和美国公众的预期一直具有影响力,”莫罗瓦蒂说,“这是特朗普政府面临的问题之一。”与此同时,莫罗瓦蒂说,阿拉伯国家并未作为一个统一集团对待德黑兰。

"We've seen that energy supply and the expectations of the American public have been influential," Morovati said, "and this is one of the problems the Trump administration faces." At the same time, Morovati said, Arab countries do not act as a united bloc toward Tehran.

“如果它们面临严重的安全和经济压力,可能会采取联合行动,但迄今为止在实践中尚未发生,”莫罗瓦蒂说。利雅得机场遇袭后,沙特阿拉伯将何去何从?

"If they come under severe security and economic pressure, they may take joint action, but so far that hasn't happened in practice," Morovati said. What now for Saudi Arabia after Riyadh airport attack?

梅马里安也认为经济成本是达成协议的诱因。但他同时主张,各方都认为给对方施加更多痛苦将增强其在未来谈判中的筹码。

Memarian also sees the economic costs as an incentive for a deal. But he also claims that each side believes that inflicting more pain on the other will strengthen its hand in future talks.

“这种情况很容易演变成一场消耗战,而在最近几个月,这正是双方采取的做法,”梅马里安说。双方尚未达到认为妥协不可避免的地步。

"That can easily turn this into a war of attrition, and in recent months that has been the approach," Memarian said. Neither side has yet reached the point where it sees compromise as unavoidable.

阅读媒体原文 ↗