
原因如下。得克萨斯州伊达尔戈县 90% 的居民是拉丁裔。该县大多数选民在 2020 年支持乔·拜登。四年后,唐纳德·特朗普以 51% 的得票率险胜该县。
Here’s why. Ninety percent of the residents in Texas’s Hidalgo County are Latino. The majority of its voters backed Joe Biden in 2020. Four years later, Donald Trump narrowly won the county with 51 percent of the vote.
周二,伊达尔戈县对民主党的支持率出现了 40 个百分点的大幅回升。71% 的选民选择吉娜·伊诺霍萨竞选州长。
On Tuesday, there was a 40-point swing to Democrats in Hidalgo County. Seventy-one percent of its voters chose Gina Hinojosa for governor.
在周二这场具有历史意义的中期选举的诸多惊人结果中,没有哪一个比伊达尔戈县发生的这类变化对美国政治的未来影响更深远。而没有任何一场胜利比伊诺霍萨的胜利更重要。
Of the many surprising results in Tuesday’s historic midterm elections, none is more consequential for the future of American politics than the kind of thing that happened in Hidalgo County. And no single win matters more than Hinojosa’s.
虽然全国大部分关注和资金都流向了联邦参议员竞选——州众议员詹姆斯·塔拉里科击败了州检察长肯·帕克斯顿——但州长竞选的结果才是更具震撼力的。在一个拉丁裔人口超过白人人口的州(尽管大众印象中的得克萨斯人是戴牛仔帽的白人男性),伊诺霍萨将成为该州历史上首位拉丁裔女州长。以下是伊诺霍萨胜利如此重要的原因。
While most of the national attention money went to the US Senate race, where state Representative James Talarico defeated Attorney General Ken Paxton, the governor’s race was the more seismic result. In a state where Latinos outnumber whites (despite the popular image of Texans as white men in cowboy hats), Hinojosa will be the first Latina governor in the state’s history. Here’s why Hinojosa’s victory is so important.
得克萨斯州一直是“下一个佐治亚州” 近六年前,就在佐治亚州于 2021 年 1 月将参议院控制权翻转给民主党之后不久,我写了一篇专栏文章,试图论证“得克萨斯州是下一个佐治亚州”。斯泰西·艾布拉姆斯在 2012 年曾向我和我已故妻子苏珊·桑德勒简明扼要地概括了“佐治亚模式”:“佐治亚州有 100 万有色人种未登记注册。我要去动员他们投票。”
Texas was always the next Georgia Nearly six years ago, just after Georgia flipped control of the Senate to Democrats in January 2021, I wrote a column trying to show that “Texas is the next Georgia.”The Georgia model was succinctly summarized by Stacey Abrams in 2012 when she said to me and my late wife, Susan Sandler, “There are 1 million people of color in Georgia who are unregistered. I’m going to them to vote.”
八年后,曾为民权运动标志性人物约翰·刘易斯工作的乔恩·奥索夫,以及在马丁·路德·金曾站立过的教堂讲坛上布道的拉斐尔·沃诺克,成为了联邦参议员。
Eight years later, Jon Ossoff, who worked for civil rights movement icon John Lewis, and Raphael Warnock, who preaches from the literal church pulpit where Martin Luther King once stood, became United States senators.
没有理由得克萨斯州不能做类似的事情。所有要素都具备了——一个种族多样性甚至超过佐治亚州的州,一大批未投票的有色人种,以及致力于将人口优势转化为选票优势的才干出众、全力以赴的社区领袖和组织。
There was no reason Texas couldn’t do something similar. The ingredients were all there—a state that was even more racially diverse than Georgia, a large nonvoting population of people of color, and talented and dedicated community-based leaders and organizations working to turn demographic majorities into voting majorities.
2020年,乔·拜登在得克萨斯州以631,221票之差落败,而当时有450万名符合条件的有色人种得克萨斯人并未投票。2026年,登记投票的得克萨斯人数量创历史新高,该州与全国一道,步入了一个新时代。
In 2020, Joe Biden lost Texas by 631,221 votes, while 4.5 million eligible Texans of color did not vote. In 2026, more Texans than ever before registered to vote, and the state, along with the country, entered a new era.
希诺霍萨如何获胜 尽管媒体多聚焦于塔拉里科对白人选民的吸引力,但对于得克萨斯州政治中更具希望且更持久的发展——一位拥有进步主张、在里奥格兰德河谷有深厚根基、极具感召力的拉美裔全州性领袖的崛起——关注却少得多。2024年,特朗普曾在该地区取得实质性进展,包括赢下伊达尔戈县和韦伯县等边境县份,这些县份的居民中拉美裔占比超过90%。希诺霍萨动员了她的族群,让他们回归阵营,在上述两个县分别以40个百分点的优势获胜。
How Hinojosa won While many in the media have focused on Talarico’s appeal to white voters, much less attention has been paid to the more promising and enduring development in Lone Star state politics—the emergence of a compelling statewide Latina leader with progressive politics and deep roots in the Rio Grande Valley—the region where Trump had made meaningful incursions in 2024, including winning border counties like Hidalgo and Webb where more than 90 percent of the residents are Latino. Hinojosa brought her people out and brought them home, winning each of the two counties by 40 percentage points.
这不足为奇。半个多世纪以来,民主党陷入了自己制造的两难境地:他们不愿公开为拉美裔和其他有色人种争取正义与平等,生怕疏远那些对人口结构变革感到不安的白人选民(十年前,一位特朗普的拉美裔支持者以近乎滑稽的方式表达了这种恐惧,称担心“街角到处都是墨西哥卷饼车”)。在反移民歇斯底里的氛围中,民主党试图表明自己在边境问题上同样强硬,却无视了巨大的种族财富鸿沟——普通白人家庭的资产是典型拉美裔家庭的400%。
That should not be surprising. For more than half a century, Democrats have been caught in a dilemma of their own making: they have been reluctant to fight openly for justice and equality for Latinos and other people of color, for fear of alienating white voters who are uncomfortable with the demographic revolution (a fear near-comically articulated by one of Trump’s Latino supporters a decade ago as the specter of “taco trucks on every corner”). In the context of anti-immigrant hysteria, Democrats have tried to show that they, too, are tough on the border while ignoring gargantuan racial wealth gap that gives the average white family 400 percent more assets than the typical Latino family.
这种暧昧与胆怯给共和党留下了空间,让他们得以宣称:“我们关心你们关心的问题。”这就是为什么在2024年,有相当一部分拉美裔选民变得容易被“让美国再次伟大”运动吸引。但拉美裔对吉娜·希诺霍萨的立场毫无困惑,这种清晰度和热情帮助得克萨斯州变蓝。
That ambivalence and timidity left the door open for Republicans to say, “We care about the issues you care about.”That is how a meaningful share of Latino voters became susceptible to MAGA in 2024. But there is no confusion among Latinos about where Gina Hinojosa stands, and that clarity and enthusiasm helped turn Texas blue.
真正的“彩虹联盟”已形成:拉美裔人口现已超过白人,占德克萨斯州人口的51%为有色人种。将这一人口优势转化为政治力量的历史障碍在于投票率。过去,德州拉美裔投票率比白人低约20个百分点——无论是由于经济压力、贫富差距、选民压制,还是因从事多份工作而缺乏空闲时间。但正如伊诺霍萨所展示的,当候选人能够激发共鸣,公民参与组织开展选民登记和动员工作,这一差距就会缩小,德州的选举版图也随之改写。
A true rainbow coalition Latinos now outnumber white Texans, and 51 percent of the state’s population are people of color. The historic obstacle to translating this into political power has been turnout. In the past, Latino turnout has trailed white turnout by roughly 20 percentage points in Texas—whether because of economic pressure, the wealth gap, voter suppression, or the simple lack of free time that comes with working multiple jobs. But as Hinojosa showed, when a candidate inspires, and civic engagement groups do the work of registering and mobilizing, that gap narrows, and the electoral math of Texas changes.