
2024年,工会领袖丹·奥斯本在内布拉斯加州挑战现任共和党参议员,仅以7个百分点之差落败,而他并非以民主党人身份参选,而是选择了独立候选人平台。
When union leader Dan Osborn came within 7 percentage points of beating an incumbent Republican senator in Nebraska in 2024, he wasn’t running as a Democrat. Instead, he had chosen an independent platform.
奥斯本并非首位尝试此路径者。2014年堪萨斯州的格雷格·奥曼、2022年犹他州的埃文·麦克马林均曾以独立身份参选,且表现优于近期民主党候选人。但奥斯本的参选正值两党极化加剧之际,其弃两党体系而取得相对成功引发关注,并开始接到邻州独立人士的来电。
Osborn wasn’t the first to try this. There was Greg Orman in Kansas in 2014 and Evan McMullin in Utah in 2022 — both of whom ran closer than Democrats had in recent elections. But Osborn’s bid came as the political parties have become increasingly polarized. His relative success in opting out of the two-party system drew attention. And he started to receive calls from independents in nearby states.
来电者之一是布莱恩·本格斯,这位退役海军及空军老兵、战争学院教育家现居南达科他州热泉市。他表示有意效仿奥斯本模式,并询问奥斯本是否会再次参选。奥斯本给予肯定答复。
One of those calls came from Brian Bengs, a retired Navy and Air Force veteran and war college educator living in Hot Springs, South Dakota. He was interested, he said, in following Osborn’s example and asked Osborn if he would run again. Osborn said yes.
2026年,两人均将以独立身份竞选参议员——这延续了这样一个信号:在两党常忽视的选区,跳出党派体系的民粹竞选能将选战转化为真正角逐。这些候选人希望这能成为在稳固红州引入全国性选战政治竞争的策略。
In 2026, both of them are running for Senate as independents — following up on the signal that populist campaigns run outside the party system could turn races normally ignored by both Democrats and Republicans into real competitions. These candidates hope it will become a strategy to introduce political competition into national races in solidly red states.
本格斯对《赫芬顿邮报》表示:“当你自称独立人士而非民主党人或共和党人时,人们会愿意与你交谈并持续交谈。”
“People will talk to you and continue talking to you when you say you are an independent, as opposed to Democrat or Republican,” Bengs told HuffPost.
但尽管奥斯本在内布拉斯加州挑战现任参议员皮特·里克茨的竞选引发全国关注、筹款可观且有民调跟踪,本格斯在南达科他州挑战共和党现任参议员迈克·朗兹的竞选却鲜获关注。无人将南达科他州列入共和党可能在今年中期选举中失利的州名单。这又有何奇怪?
But while Osborn’s race to oust incumbent Sen. Pete Ricketts in Nebraska has attracted national attention, significant fundraising and public polling, Bengs’ bid against Republican incumbent Sen. Mike Rounds in South Dakota has not. No one has South Dakota on their list of states that Republicans could lose in this year’s midterm elections. And why would they?
在南达科他州,注册共和党选民数量是民主党的两倍多。唐纳德·特朗普总统三次以超过60%的得票率赢得该州。上一位多次做到这一点的共和党人是罗纳德·里根。自2008年以来,没有民主党人赢得过全州范围的公职选举。
ed Republicans outnumber Democrats by more than 2-to-1 in South Dakota. President Donald Trump won the state with more than 60% of the vote three times. The last Republican to do that more than once was Ronald Reagan. No Democrat has won statewide office since 2008.
但内布拉斯加州的情况也大同小异,自1964年林登·约翰逊以来,没有民主党人在总统大选中获得超过40%的选票。然而,比尔·克林顿和巴拉克·奥巴马在南达科他州却都突破了这一门槛。
But then the same could be said for Nebraska, where no Democrat has cleared 40% in a presidential race since Lyndon Johnson in 1964. Both Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, however, cleared that bar in South Dakota.
“在南达科他州,多年来政治潮流一直有利于共和党,”里克·诺布说,他是一位资深当地电台主持人、前共和党籍苏福尔斯市长,现已转为独立人士并支持本格斯。但这可能正是问题所在。“他们一直顺势而为、轻松前行。这种情况开始发生变化。变化虽缓慢,但自从极具毒性的唐纳德·特朗普成为总统以来的24个月里,我认为潮流转变得更快了。”
“In South Dakota, the tide here has for years favored Republicans,” said Rick Knobe, a longtime local radio personality and former Republican Sioux Falls mayor who has since turned independent and now endorses Bengs. But that could be just the problem. “They’ve been riding the tide and coasting along without too much difficulty. That has started to shift. It’s been shifting slowly, but in the last 24 months since the extremely toxic Donald Trump became president, I think the tide has turned more quickly.”
随着汽油、柴油和食品价格上涨以及特朗普声望下跌,共和党的全国政治形势恶化。在南达科他州,牧场业和农业是主要收入和就业来源,这种影响被放大了——特朗普的关税和伊朗战争切断了市场,推高了从燃料到化肥的所有价格。
The national political situation for Republicans has deteriorated amid rising gas, diesel and food prices and Trump’s sinking popularity. In South Dakota, where ranching and farming are a major source of income and work, that’s been amplified as the effects of Trump’s tariffs and the Iran war have cut off markets and driven up prices for everything from fuel to fertilizer.
与此同时,本格斯的内部民调显示,他与现任参议员朗兹的支持率要么持平,要么略微落后。他表示,自己的竞选活动“进展非常顺利”,目前“正处于火箭燃料加注阶段”。
Meanwhile, Bengs’ internal polls show him either tied or slightly trailing the incumbent Rounds. He says his campaign is “going exceptionally well” and is “on rocket fuel at this point.”
“比以往任何时候我都更加坚信,拯救共和国并将其恢复到最初应有的样子——即由人民的声音掌控——的唯一途径,就是必须有一位独立人士站出来承担责任,”本格斯说道。避免重蹈覆辙也许,南达科他州正在发生些什么。但即便本格斯最终未能获胜,他的参选如同奥斯本之前的竞选一样,可能预示着独立候选人如何能够改变二十一世纪以来主导美国政治的僵化红蓝版图。
“I’m more convinced than ever that the only way to save the republic and restore it to what it was supposed to be originally, where the voice of the people controls,” Bengs said, “is that it has to be an independent that steps up.”Avoiding The Same Old Mistakes Perhaps, there’s something happening in South Dakota. But even if Bengs doesn’t actually win, his bid, like Osborn’s before it, could be a portent for how independents may be able to change the rigid red-blue map that has dominated American politics for the entire 21st century.
“他们证明了这是可能的,而且每个选举周期我们都看到更多独立候选人参选,”“美国独立退伍军人组织”创始人保罗·里克霍夫表示,该非营利组织支持像本格斯这样以独立身份参选的退伍军人。“我们看到了更厚实的候选人梯队、更高素质的候选人和更多筹款。这确实是一场将不断迭代、自我积累的运动——我们将其视为一场跨代际的斗争。”
“They’re showing that it’s possible and every election cycle we’ve seen more of them run,” said Paul Rieckhoff, founder of Independent Veterans of America, a nonprofit supporting veterans like Bengs who run for office as independents. “We’ve seen a deeper bench, a higher quality of candidate and more fundraising. This is truly a movement that will be iterative and will build on itself — we are looking at it as a generational fight.”
因为即使共和党陷入困境,假设这意味着民主党迎来机会也可能是个错误。2022年,本格斯曾以民主党人身份挑战共和党参议员约翰·图恩,结果不尽如人意。“我把2022年的那场竞选形容为‘吞噬灵魂’的经历,”本格斯说。
Because even where Republicans are in trouble, it may be a mistake to assume that means an opening for Democrats. In 2022, Bengs ran against GOP Sen. John Thune as a Democrat. It didn’t go well. “I’ve described the 2022 race as soul-sucking,” Bengs said.
“在南达科他州这样的州,民主党人只是个搅局者。”作为一名终身独立人士,本格斯那一年决定借用民主党的标签以获得选票资格。他大败而归,并吸取了宝贵的一课。
“In states like South Dakota, the Democrats are a spoiler.”A lifelong independent, Bengs decided that year it was easier to with the Democratic Party to gain ballot access. He lost — by a lot. And learned a valuable lesson.
“身份政治使得我无法与民众乃至整个国家就那些亟需讨论的重大议题展开对话,原因就在于党派偏见,”本格斯说道。在这个共和党势力强大的州,每当他与民众交谈时,发现他们在很多问题上都认同他的观点;可一旦他透露自己是以民主党人身份参选,对话便戛然而止。
“The identity politics precluded me from having the types of conversations with individuals and the state writ large on big issues that we need to have big conversations on, just because of the partisanship,” Bengs said. Whenever he talked to people in this heavily Republican state, he found they would agree with him on a lot of issues, but when he told them he was running as a Democrat, that was the end of the conversation.
在以43个百分点的差距输给图恩后,本格斯立刻将自己的政治身份改回独立人士——这一身份自他18岁首次参选起便一直沿用。看到奥斯本在2024年取得成功后,他决定再度参选,不过这次不再打政党旗号,也不背负任何政党带来的包袱。
After losing to Thune by 43 points, Bengs immediately changed his political affiliation back to independent, the same affiliation he’d had since he firsted at 18 years old. And after seeing Osborn’s success in 2024, he decided to run again, but without the party label and all the baggage that came with it.
这一次,本格斯认为选民们终于听进了他提出的民粹主义反腐败主张。这些主张包含一系列政策议程:杜绝金钱对政治的干预、拆分企业垄断、对富人征税、设立任期限制以及叫停数据中心建设。
This time around, Bengs thinks voters have finally listened to his populist anti-corruption message that includes a policy agenda of getting money out of politics, breaking up corporate monopolies, taxing the rich, establishing term limits, and stopping data center construction.
“与2022年相比最大的变化在于,如今当人们问我‘你属于哪个党派?’时,我可以回答‘我是独立人士。’这样他们就会继续和我交谈,”本格斯说道,“我会与保守派选民交流,他们虽不会完全认同我的所有观点,但在一些关键议题上立场一致,也愿意继续和我沟通。”如今,本格斯自称为“西奥多·罗斯福式的共和党人”——这位进步派总统年轻时曾移居达科他地区的荒原地带。
“The biggest difference from 2022 is when people ask ‘What are you?’ I can say, ‘I’m an independent.’ They keep talking to me,” Bengs said. “I talk to conservative voters and they are on board, not with everything, but with some big-ticket things, and they will keep talking to me.”Now calling himself a “Teddy Roosevelt Republican,” after the progressive president who famously moved to the Badlands of the Dakota Territory as a young man, Bengs has promised to remain independent and not caucus with either political party in the Senate.
他承诺将始终保持独立身份,不会在参议院加入任何政党阵营。包括奥斯本、蒙大拿州的塞思·博德纳以及爱达荷州的托德·阿喀琉斯在内,其他计划于2026年竞选参议员的独立人士均表示:如果获胜人数足够多,他们便能在参议院中间地带组建独立派阵营,从而掌控参议院控制权或在制定议事议程时发挥重要作用。
He and other independents running for Senate in 2026, including Osborn, Montana’s Seth Bodnar and Idaho’s Todd Achilles, have stated that, if enough of them win, they could form an independent caucus in the center that could either dictate control of the Senate or play a sizable role in directing the chamber’s agenda.
三人竞争实属不利。即便选民参与度有所提升,本格斯领导的独立竞选活动仍面临一个必须克服的障碍。奥斯本之所以能在2024年让内布拉斯加州的选情变得胶着,2026年似乎也能再度如此,关键在于民主党候选人两次都选择了退选。因此,本格斯需要进入一场两人对决的竞选环境,而非目前这种与朗兹及民主党候选人朱利安·博迪恩形成三方竞争的格局。
Three’s A Crowd But even with voter engagement, there was one additional hurdle for Bengs’ independent campaign to clear. Osborn’s success in making Nebraska competitive in 2024 and, seemingly, again in 2026 was due to the Democratic nominee dropping out both times. He needed to be in a head-to-head race, instead of the existing three-way contest with Rounds and Democratic Party nominee Julian Beaudion.
全国民主党高层公开呼吁博迪恩退选,同时也敦促爱达荷州与蒙大拿州的民主党候选人将竞选机会让给独立候选人。与此同时,南达科他州当地的民主党活动人士及组织则认为本格斯比民主党候选人更具胜算。
National Democratic leaders publicly pushed for Beaudion to drop out and also pushed Democratic candidates in Idaho and Montana to cede the field to independents. Meanwhile, local South Dakota party activists and organizations decided Bengs had a stronger path than the Democrat.
“我们所有人都清楚,布赖恩·本格斯是唯一具备胜算的挑战者,”苏福尔斯市政治人士吴玉珠说道。她负责运营名为“Turn SD Purple”的组织。
“It was very clear to all of us that Brian Bengs was the only challenger with a viable campaign,” said Ngoc Thach, a Sioux Falls political operative who runs the group Turn SD Purple.
在分别与两位候选人面谈并听取其支持者的意见后,这个原本并无支持独立候选人意图的组织最终决定力挺本格斯而非博迪恩。吴玉珠指出,本格斯在筹款方面的优势是该组织做出这一决定的关键因素。她说,这一决定引发了“严重分歧”——许多原本支持博迪恩且隶属于“Turn SD Purple”的民主党人对此“极为不满”。最终,博迪恩及时退选,其名字也从选票上被移除。
After interviewing both candidates and talking to their supporters, Thach’s group, which was not formed to back independent candidates, endorsed Bengs over Beaudion. She cited Bengs’ fundraising advantage as key to the group’s endorsement. This caused a “rupture,” Thach said, as many Democrats who backed Beaudion and were involved in Turn SD Purple were “really upset.”Ultimately, Beaudion dropped out of the race in time to have his name removed from the ballot.
目前,本格斯的竞选团队与南达科他州民主党之间仍存在嫌隙,后者并未像内布拉斯加州民主党那样全力协助奥斯本,对本格斯的竞选也毫无助力可言。
There’s still bad blood between the Bengs campaign and the South Dakota Democratic Party, which is not helping his campaign like the Nebraska Democratic Party is helping Osborn’s.
“本格斯曾短暂以民主党身份参选,我们也为他提供了资源用于2022年的全州竞选;但他始终都是独立候选人,”南达科他州民主党副主席杰西卡·迈尔斯在博迪恩退选后对《Dakota News Now》说道,“我们祝他好运,但无意支持他的竞选活动。”对吴玉珠而言,选择支持独立候选人而非民主党人,完全是为了在这个共和党势力强大的州击败共和党人。
“Bengs was temporarilyed as a Democrat, to use our resources in his last statewide race (2022); he’s always been an independent,” Jessica Meyers, vice chair of the South Dakota Democratic Party, told Dakota News Now after Beaudion dropped out. “We wish him the best of luck; we have no interest in endorsing his campaign.”For Thach, the decision to endorse an independent over a Democrat came down to what’s needed to beat Republicans in a red state.
“在我们这样的州,所有人都需要牢记的一点就是:南达科他州的政治力量失衡使得组建政治联盟变得尤为重要,”萨奇说道,“这迫使我们跳出传统的民主党与共和党对立的框架来思考问题。”如今,本格斯正参与直接对决,他希望凭借自己的独立身份以及反腐败主张来化解那些常困扰民主党候选人的攻击言论。尽管他属于独立派,却也未能幸免于这些攻击。
“In a state like ours, the very important thing that everyone is still learning or needs to keep front and center is that South Dakota’s political imbalance makes coalition-building unusually important to understand,” Thach said. “It forced us to think beyond the usual Democratic vs. Republican framework.”Now running in a head-to-head matchup, Bengs hopes his independent label and anti-corruption message break through the usual attacks that bedevil Democratic candidates. He hasn’t been spared, despite his party affiliation.
“和其他民主党人一样,‘独立派’的布莱恩·本格斯也在ActBlue平台上筹集资金,甚至还公开支持同为‘独立派’的丹·奥斯本——后者支持伯尼·桑德斯与伊丽莎白·沃伦提出的增税政策——竞选参议院多数党领袖,”共和党全国参议院委员会新闻发言人伯纳黛特·布雷斯林在给《赫芬顿邮报》的声明中说道。
“Just like any other Democrat, ‘independent’ Brian Bengs is fundraising on ActBlue and has even endorsed fellow ‘independent’ Dan Osborn — who backs the tax-hiking policies of Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren — for Senate Majority Leader,” Bernadette Breslin, National Republican Senatorial Committee national press secretary, said in a statement to HuffPost.
劳兹还将本格斯称作“社会主义者”、反对持枪权的人以及支持“让男孩参加女子体育项目”的人士,同时指责他拒绝参与辩论或出席州内的市民大会。本格斯则全盘否认这些指控,并认为所谓的文化战争本身就是一个错误的预设前提。
Rounds has also tagged Bengs as a “socialist,” an opponent of gun ownership and a supporter of “boys in girls sports” while refusing to participate in debates or appear at town halls in the state. Bengs denies all of these things while also rejecting the entire culture war premise to begin with.
“这样做的初衷,是不想卷入文化战争,因为我跟人们谈论的真正战争,是大资本对抗我们其他所有人,”本格斯说。“真正的斗争不是左右之争——那是大资本利用并资助的手段,目的是让我们分裂,使我们无法团结起来,对抗大资本控制我们政府的行为。”这种反腐败信息直指政坛大金主的影响力、垄断权力的集中、财富向少数人集中,以及让民众掌控人工智能数据中心选址的决策权。
“My attempt in doing this is to not wade into the culture wars because the real war that I talk about with people is it’s big money vs. the rest of us,” Bengs said. “The real fight is not the left-right fight that is used and funded by big money to keep us divided so we don’t unite and do anything against the interests of big money controlling our government.”This anti-corruption message is aimed at everything from the influence of big money in politics to the concentrated power of monopolies to the concentrated wealth in the hands of the few to giving the people control over the sites of AI data centers.
在很多方面,这呼应了草原民粹主义——正是这种思潮让南达科他州在20世纪初选出了民粹党籍的州长和国会议员,并在1912年总统大选中支持西奥多·罗斯福的“雄鹿党”。
It is, in many ways, an echo of the prairie populism that led South Dakota to elect Populist Party candidates as governor and to Congress at the turn of the 20th century and vote for Teddy Roosevelt’s Bull Moose Party in the 1912 presidential election.
然而如今,共和党牢牢掌控着该州所有权力杠杆。在上一次选举中,朗兹以31个百分点的优势轻松获胜。朗兹在筹款上也对本格斯拥有巨大优势——尽管这比他原本对博迪安的优势略小一些。外部资金也开始流入该州支持朗兹。支持朗兹的超级政治行动委员会(Super PAC)已在该竞选中花费近100万美元,而一个AI行业超级政治行动委员会也计划很快介入竞选支持他。
Today, though, Republicans hold a tight grip on all levers of power in the state. In his last election, Rounds won by a comfortable 31 points. Rounds also holds a massive fundraising advantage over Bengs — although it is somewhat smaller than what he would have held over Beaudion. Outside money is also beginning to flow into the state to support Rounds. Super PACs backing Rounds have already spent close to $1 million on the race, while an AI industry super PAC plans to enter the race to back him soon.
但在2014年的首次参议院竞选中,朗兹仅以略高于50%的得票率勉强过线。那场竞选中,他面对三名挑战者:以独立人士身份参选的前共和党参议员拉里·普雷斯勒、民主党人里克·韦兰德,以及独立保守派戈登·豪伊。这三名挑战者合计获得49%的选票,对手是一位在任州长,且那年对民主党极为不利。
But in his first Senate campaign in 2014, Rounds only barely cleared 50%. In that race, he was running against three challengers: former Republican Sen. Larry Pressler running as an independent, Democrat Rick Weiland and independent conservative Gordon Howie. Those three challengers combined for 49% of the vote against a sitting governor in a terrible year for Democrats.
这或许比任何事情都更能说明,独立候选人能够吸引民主党原本无法触及的选民。
That, perhaps more than anything, shows how independent candidates can pull voters Democrats otherwise could not.
“如果布赖恩能获得48%的得票率,那将很有意义;即便如此我也会称之为一场胜利,”萨奇说道,“因为这对迈克·朗兹而言是一个极具分量的信号。”
“It would be interesting if Brian hit 48% and I would still call that a win,” Thach said, “because it’s a huge message to Mike Rounds.”