费萨尔的观点：美国参议员克里斯·墨菲与国务卿马尔科·鲁比奥的言论表明，华盛顿高度重视海湾地区的安全问题。这些言论发表之际，正值沙特阿拉伯及整个地区的关键时刻。
Faisal’s view Two statements by US Senator Chris Murphy and Secretary of State Marco Rubio signal that Washington takes Gulf security seriously. They have come at a critical juncture for Saudi Arabia and the region.
墨菲参议员的言论颇具分量，因为他长期以来一直对沙特的政策持批评态度。然而此次他专程前往利雅得，与沙特领导层就相关关切进行了两小时的会谈，并公开表示美国无法单凭一己之力实现既定目标。这一举动使他与利雅得方面的立场趋于一致：倘若美国希望促进地区稳定、遏制伊朗影响力并推动巴以两国解决方案的实施，就必须与地区伙伴携手合作。
Senator Murphy’s comments carry weight because he has long criticized Saudi policy. Yet he traveled to Riyadh, spent two hours discussing his concerns with the kingdom’s leadership, and publicly stated that Washington can’t achieve its goals alone. This has brought him closer to Riyadh’s view: If the US aims to enhance regional stability, contain Iranian influence, and advance a two-state solution for Israel and Palestine, it must work with its regional partners.
同时担任美国国家安全顾问的鲁比奥国务卿则重申，沙特有权抵御胡塞武装的侵略，并强调华盛顿将恪守与沙特签署的防务与安全协议。
Secretary Rubio — who is also the US national security advisor — affirmed Saudi Arabia’s right to defend itself against Houthi aggression and Washington’s intention to honor its defense and security agreements with the kingdom.
在当前华盛顿部分人士主张缩减美国地区作用之际，上述言论具有重要意义。它们表明美国领导人已意识到针对海湾地区的威胁会引发全球性后果。尽管沙特拥有强大的军事实力、也门战争经验以及巴基斯坦、土耳其等强大盟友，但美国的实质性支持在战略与政治层面依然不可或缺。
Together, these statements matter at a time when some in Washington advocate a narrower role for the US. They show that American leaders recognize that threats against the Gulf have global consequences. While Saudi Arabia has considerable military capabilities, experience in Yemen, and powerful allies like Pakistan and Türkiye, active US backing remains crucial, both strategically and politically.
作为一名支持也门合法政府的沙特公民，我写下这些文字。我们在也门的军事行动旨在恢复国家主权，并打击那些不仅威胁沙特与也门、还危及全球经济命脉的胡塞武装。
I write this as a Saudi citizen whose country supports Yemen’s legitimate government. The military operation there aims to restore sovereignty and confront the Houthi militia that’s attacking not just Saudi Arabia and Yemen, but the arteries of the global economy.
胡塞武装有时被误读为只是试图参与也门政权分配的国内派别。然而他们的口号——“真主最伟大，杀死美国人，杀死以色列人，诅咒犹太人”——已清楚揭示了其真实目的与意识形态。
The Houthis are sometimes misrepresented as a Yemeni faction vying to share power with others in the state. But their slogan — “God is the greatest, Death to America, Death to Israel, A Curse Upon the Jews” — is clear about their objectives and ideology.
若任由胡塞武装巩固控制权，也门很可能沦为国际极端主义的温床，进而成为德黑兰在阿拉伯世界掌控的又一个据点。回顾伊拉克的惨痛教训便可知，任由伊朗势力毫无节制地渗透进国家体制会带来何等灾难性后果。
Allowing them to consolidate control risks turning Yemen into a permanent breeding ground for international extremism and handing another Arab state to Tehran. We need only look at the painful legacy of Iraq to understand the disastrous consequences of allowing Iranian influence to swallow state institutions unchecked.
除了安全层面的风险，经济方面的隐患同样不容忽视。一支受伊朗支持的武装力量若掌控了曼德海峡的航运通道，将导致该地区出现又一个交通瓶颈。在霍尔木兹海峡已然出现动荡的情况下，全球经济根本无力承受此类冲击。唯有由沙特牵头实施威慑措施，才能确保该海域的畅通无阻——这不仅符合沙特自身的利益，也符合美国及全球各国的利益。
Beyond security, the economic risks are acute. An Iran-backed force dictating traffic through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait threatens another chokepoint in the region, a scenario the global economy can’t absorb as it deals with disruption in the Strait of Hormuz. Keeping these waters open, which can only be achieved through Saudi-led deterrence, benefits the kingdom, but also serves US and global interests.
或许有人会疑惑：为何沙特如今突然加大施压力度？答案很简单：正是胡塞武装破坏了多年积累的互信基础，还单方面对也门政府发起攻击。沙特始终明确表态：绝不会容忍红海海域及本国领土遭到侵犯。
Some observers may question why Riyadh has turned up the heat now. The answer is simple: It was the Houthis who shattered years of goodwill and unilaterally escalated against the Yemeni government. Saudi Arabia was always clear that it wouldn’t tolerate attacks in the Red Sea or inside its territory.
为真正理解沙特的外交政策——其核心在于外交手段与强硬立场的平衡——我近期在《阿拉伯视角》播客的首期节目中，与沙特前情报部门负责人图尔基·费萨尔亲王进行了深入交流。
To truly understand Saudi foreign policy — which, at its core, balances diplomacy with resolve — I recently spoke to HRH Prince Turki Al-Faisal, the kingdom’s former intelligence chief, on the debut episode of the Arab Views podcast.
图尔基亲王回顾了阿卜杜勒-阿齐兹国王及其父费萨尔国王执政时期沙特在也门的介入历程，指出当时的政策始终在战略克制的前提下实施。而如今，沙特在多个地区都面临来自伊朗代理人的持续挑衅，“这种克制策略已不再适用，”他坦言道。
Prince Turki traced Saudi Arabia’s engagement in Yemen through the eras of King Abdulaziz and his father, King Faisal, describing a policy shaped by strategic restraint within limits. With the kingdom now facing persistent provocations on multiple fronts from regional proxies, “that restraint is no longer operable,” he said.
胡塞武装似乎将沙特的克制误判为无力采取行动。由于胡塞武装兵力分散，利雅得认为这是击败对方或迫使其重返谈判桌的良机。美国提供支持并非出于对海湾国家的关照，而是基于对自身战略利益的清醒判断。通过坚定站在沙特一方，美国有助于维护全球贸易秩序、打击国家支持的恐怖主义，并确保中东地区的外交努力有强大的实力作为后盾。
The Houthis appear to have mistaken Saudi restraint for an inability to act. With the militia stretched thin, Riyadh sees an opportunity to defeat it or force it back to negotiations. Washington’s support isn’t a favor to the Gulf, but rather a clear-eyed assessment of its own strategic interests. By standing firmly with Saudi Arabia, the US is helping protect global trade, confront state-sponsored terror, and ensure that diplomacy in the Middle East is backed by unyielding strength.
责任归属问题同样值得探讨。美国与以色列对伊朗发动的战争给沙特及其他海湾国家造成了严重损害。也门局势则为华盛顿提供了一个契机，以证明这些国家不会被孤立地承担地区冲突的后果。值得一提的是，沙特已在也门与胡塞武装作战近二十年。
There is a question of responsibility, too. Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries have suffered severe damage from the US and Israeli war against Iran. Yemen gives Washington a chance to show that they won’t be left to manage the regional consequences alone. Notable Saudi Arabia has been fighting the Houthis in Yemen for almost two decades.
这篇由美国外交关系委员会撰写的背景资料梳理了冲突的来龙去脉，并分析了近期局势的升级情况。
This Council on Foreign Relations backgrounder explains the history of the conflict and examines the latest escalation.