
2026年中期选举距今不足两周,这意味着我们很快将对未来两年美国政治的走向有更清晰的认识。如果民主党赢得国会至少一个议院的控制权——他们被普遍看好将掌控众议院——他们将在唐纳德·特朗普第二任期内首次拥有监督权力。如果同时赢得参议院,他们的权力将更大。
The 2026 midterms are less than two weeks away, which means we’ll soon have a better idea of what the next two years of American politics could look like. If Democrats win at least one chamber of Congress — and they’re comfortable favorites to control the House — they’ll enter 2027 with oversight power for the first time in Donald Trump’s second term. If they win the Senate, too, they’ll have even more power.
无论结果如何,密歇根州联邦参议员埃莉萨·斯洛特金希望本党能迅速投入战斗状态。在芝加哥大学政治研究所接受Vox记者阿斯特德·赫恩登采访时,她指出,民主党内部的关键分歧不再是“温和派对抗进步派”。
Whatever the outcome, Michigan Sen. Elissa Slotkin wants her party to hit the ground running. In an interview with Vox’s Astead Herndon at the University of Chicago’s Institute of Politics, she explained that the key divide in the Democratic Party is no longer “moderate versus progressive.”
“特别是在特朗普时代,我认为分歧在于‘战斗还是逃跑’,”她说。“无论你的政治倾向如何,你是否认为我们需要重新思考在特朗普时代如何行使权力和监督职能?如果不这么做,我们就面临失去我们所熟知的国家的风险。”自称属于“战斗派”的斯洛特金探讨了民主党“第一天”议程应是什么样子、她计划如何追究特朗普政府的责任、她是否考虑竞选总统等话题。
“Particularly in the era of Trump, I think it is fight versus flight,” she said. “Regardless of your persuasion, do you believe that we need to think differently about how we exercise power and oversight in the era of Trump and if we don’t, we’re at risk of losing our country as we know it?”Slotkin, who says she’s on “Team Fight,” discusses what that Day 1 Democratic agenda should look like, how she plans to hold the Trump administration accountable, whether she’s considering a presidential bid, and more.
以下是对话节选,经编辑删减以求简明。完整节目内容更为丰富,请【媒体内容:国会如何重申其角色,让民众相信特朗普冲刷殆尽的那种制衡机制?
Below is an excerpt of the conversation, edited for length and clarity. There’s much more in the full show, so [Media: How does Congress reassert its role so that people believe in the kind of checks and balances that Trump has washed away?
当我想到,希望民主党在几周后的选举中表现良好时,选举只是一个阶段的结束,但随后一个更重要的阶段随即浮现,那就是如何运用赢得的权力。
When I think about, hopefully, Democrats doing well in a few short weeks here, the election is the end of one phase, but a much more important phase then comes into focus, and that’s what you do with the power that you’ve won.
如果我们设法赢得众议院,尤其是同时赢得众议院和参议院,我们需要做三件事。第一,挑选两三项直接关系民众钱袋子的大型立法,全力推进——我会说是住房和医疗保健。】第二,我们必须对当前这种令人难以置信的腐败现象负责。但是,你不能把追究责任作为自己工作的全部目标;你需要挑选那些具有代表性的、极其恶劣的腐败案例,并对这些案例进行严厉查处。
If we manage to win the House and especially the House and the Senate, there’s three things that we need to do. One, we need to pick two or three big pieces of legislation that speak directly to people’s pocketbooks and go hard on those — I would say housing and healthcare. Number two, we do have to have accountability for the unbelievable corruption that we are living under right now. But you can’t just make that your whole personality. You have to pick signature cases, and you have to go after people and projects that are super egregious.
大家都知道白宫的“东翼”(即白宫的核心决策机构),人们对这些腐败行为的反应与对五角大楼那些无名合同或类似事件的反应是不同的。因此,你必须重点关注这些具有代表性的案例,并坚决追究相关责任——而不仅仅是针对特朗普个人。当然,总会有有人提议“直接追究特朗普本人的责任”;毕竟,他曾两次被投票弹劾,但他仍然在位,对吧?
Everyone knows the East Wing of the White House, and people feel that in a way that’s different from a nameless contract at the Pentagon or whatever. So you need to pick those signature cases and go hard on accountability, not just Trump. Because of course, there will be moments of, “Let’s go after Trump himself.”As someone who voted to impeach him twice, he’s still there, right?
然而,那些听从特朗普命令、协助他实施腐败行为的人并没有任何豁免权;他们不像总统那样享有特殊待遇。在我看来,如果没有那些人的支持与默许,特朗普根本不可能做出这些事。所以,我们应该追究那些真正执行他命令的人的责任。
But the people around Donald Trump who are doing his bidding and enabling this have no such immunity. They have no immunity the way the president does. And to me, he couldn’t do any of this stuff without all of those people saluting and supporting it. So you go after the people who do his bidding.
第三,我们必须采取措施防止类似特朗普这样的行为再次发生,确保任何政党的总统都无法滥用政府权力。因为在特朗普执政期间,我们发现许多我们原本认为是“法律”的东西,实际上只是某种惯例、标准或社会习俗罢了。
Third, we have to Trump-proof the government going forward so that no president of any party can ever abuse the system the way he did, because we figured out under Trump that a lot of the stuff that we thought were laws were actually just norms, standards, habits, expectations, good citizens. And shame was required.
在这种情况下,羞耻感是必不可少的——只有当人们感到羞耻时,才会真正遵守规则。然而,一个毫无廉耻心的总统根本不会尊重这些规则;即使某些行为原本是法律规定的,相应的惩罚措施也形同虚设。比如,有些政治广告是在足球比赛期间播放的,而这些广告的资金其实来自美国纳税人的钱。但这样的惩罚往往只是罚款而已……如果这些人有钱,又掌握着政府的所有权力,他们根本不会在意罚款的问题。那么,我们该如何让那些原本是法律规定的措施真正具有执行力呢?
Shame was required. And when you have a president who has no shame, they just walk all over that. And then even for things that were laws, the penalties, the teeth are not there. So you make an ad that plays during a football game, a political ad paid for by US taxpayer dollars, your dollars. The penalty is like, you have to pay a fine. Well, if they have the money and they have all the keys to the government, they’re going to pay that fine and not worry about it. So how do we get teeth in the things that were laws and strengthen those other laws going forward?
你提到了“特朗普化”政府。眼下,他已在法院安插了大量顺从者,掌控了共和党,并在各个层面安排了听命于他的人。
You mentioned Trump-proofing the government. At this point, he has stacked the courts with a lot of favorable folks. He controls the Republican Party, has installed people who do his bidding on each of those levels.
这可能吗?眼下这似乎已超越个人层面,很难想像政府如何能变得“防特朗普”。
Is that possible? It does seem a little hard to figure out how the government becomes Trump-proof when it’s beyond an individual at this point.
我认为政治正在发生的一项变化是,围绕某些议题涌现出一股非党派的民间力量。中西部地区围绕数据中心、Flock摄像头或人工智能总体所掀起的浪潮,并非“我是民主党人、我是共和党人”那种对立,而是有组织、自发的草根行动。
One of the things I think is changing about politics is that there is a groundswell of energy around certain issues that is not partisan. The groundswell going on in the Midwest about data centers or Flock cameras or AI in general is not like, “I’m a Democrat, I’m a Republican.”
数据中心议题从零升温到白热化的速度,比我见过的任何议题都快。我认为,利用这种愤怒——而且我认为,在反腐败方面这种愤怒也在增长——那么如何将其用于推动一揽子道德法案?
It is organized and grassroots. Data centers went zero to 60 faster than any issue I’ve seen out there. And I think harnessing that outrage — and that outrage also, I think, is growing on the corruption side — so how do you harness that for an ethics package?
你看,我几乎不同意密苏里州参议员乔什·霍利的任何观点,但他提出了一项法案,旨在取消企业政治行动委员会(PAC)及政治中的金钱影响。与陌生的盟友合作,我认为由于这种自下而上的压力,我们仍能做很多事。
And look, I don’t agree with Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri on almost anything, but he has a bill to get rid of corporate PACs and money in politics. Working with strange bedfellows, I think there is still a lot we can do because of that upward pressure.
我想问的另一点——你提到了弹劾行动,我觉得这些行动带来的一个后果是,公众不再相信这些努力的有效性。
The other piece I was going to ask about — you mentioned the impeachment efforts, and I feel like one of the things that came from those was a lack of belief from the public about the effectiveness of those efforts.
假设民主党夺回众议院,甚至可能拿下参议院。弹劾是否应成为新一届民主党控制的众议院的重点?
Let’s say Democrats were to take back the House and possibly the Senate. Should impeachment be a focus of a potentially incoming Democratic House?
我要说,因为我仍在议场见到他,如果参议员米奇·麦康奈尔当时做了正确的事,唐纳德·特朗普在1月6日后就会被弹劾,但他没有。他的政治遗产,连同他的健康问题,将成为他被后人铭记的方式。
I will say, because I still see him on the floor, that if Sen. Mitch McConnell had done the right thing, then Donald Trump would have been impeached after January 6, but he did not. And his legacy, along with his health issues, will be how he is remembered.
我注重效果,如果我们拿下众议院却拿不下参议院,我并不太相信我的共和党同事会有更多力量。我想关注这些标志性案件,而不仅仅是总统,还要关注那些助长他的人。
I am into effectiveness, and if we have the House but not the Senate, I don’t have a ton of faith that my Republican colleagues are going to have any more strength. I want to look at these signature cases and not just focus on the president, but on the people who enabled him.
我希望刚走出校园的年轻人说:“我该去特朗普政府工作吗?听起来挺有趣,我或许能得到一个机会。”我希望他们想:“天哪,那可能会给我带来一大堆我不想要的麻烦,所以我还是避免参与进去吧。”我希望传递这种威慑信号。
I want young people coming out of school to say, “Should I go work for the Trump administration? That sounds fun. I might get an opportunity.”I want them to be like, “Lord, that might be buying myself a ton of problems that I don’t want, and so let me avoid participating in that.”I want that deterrence message sent.
我不得不问一下[2028年]。一些民主党人已经表示,他们正在考虑竞选总统。你也在考虑这件事吗?
I have to ask about [2028]. A number of Democrats have said already that they’re thinking about running for president. Is that something you’re thinking about?
我一直很坦诚,我正在考虑。不一定非要是我。我只需要有人理解这个使命。如果那个人从大选中脱颖而出,我会第一个加入他们的团队,帮助他们在我所熟悉的地区赢得胜利。
I have been open that I’m looking at it. It does not need to be me. I just need someone who understands the mission. And if that person comes out of the big process, I will be the first gal to get on whatever team they’re on and help them win in the parts of the country that I know well.
但我认为,对我来说很明显的是,美国公众正在寻求不同的东西——那种代际转变。我认为,希望会有很多机会给很多你可能没想到的人,那些没有坐等轮到自己的人将会加入竞争。我认为这是件好事。
But I think what is clear to me is that the American public is looking for something different — that generational shift. And I think that there’s hopefully going to be lots of opportunities for lots of people who you might not be thinking of who haven’t been sitting waiting their turn who are going to get in the mix. And I think that’s a good thing.
我想问一下2028年的事情。过去一年里,我们一直听到一件事,我认为这是民主党人对2024年和2016年选举创伤的后果——人们对女性参选的性别歧视的担忧。我听过太多人,包括女性选民,告诉我,他们认为候选人应该是白人男性。
I wanted to ask about something on the 2028 front. One thing that we have heard consistently over the last year, and I think this is a consequence of Democratic trauma from 2024 and also 2016 — people’s fears about sexism when women run. I’ve heard so many people, including women voters, tell me they think it needs to be a white guy.
我认为那次选举的结果令人感到沮丧。这种结果显然是错误的;我之所以这么认为,是因为在我们全国范围内进行调查的过程中,我们一直在探讨这个问题。目前的情况是:公众迫切希望看到一些不同于传统的东西。如果你具备出色的沟通能力、能够激发人们的兴趣,并且拥有创新的想法,那么你就可以克服那些被视为“传统缺陷”或“传统弱点”的障碍。
I find it to be a kind of depressing takeaway of those elections. It’s wrong, and I know it’s wrong because this very question is what we’ve been digging into as I’ve traveled around the country. What I think is happening is right now, is the public is so in search of something different from the traditional. If you’re a good communicator, if you’re exciting, if you’ve got big ideas, you can surmount what are thought of as traditional deficiencies or traditional weaknesses.
无论你是女性、非裔美国人、穆斯林美国人,还是其他任何群体成员——这些身份在过去一直被视为负面因素。但如果你是那个合适的人,并且拥有正确的态度和正能量,你依然可以克服这些障碍。我认为这种现象在全国范围内已经逐渐显现出来了。
So if you’re a woman, if you’re African American, if you’re Muslim American, if you’re whatever, those things forever have been thought of as negatives. But if you’re the right person with the right energy, you can surmount that. I think we’re seeing that around the country already.