现年19岁的莱拉·阿塔姆内（Laila Atamneh）记得，每当以色列举行选举时，她的父母总会在餐桌旁争论。
Laila Atamneh, 19, remembers her parents arguing at the dinner table every time Israel would hold an election.
在拥有以色列公民身份、有资格投票的极少数巴勒斯坦耶路撒冷人中，她的父亲会主张投票给一个阿拉伯人领导的选举名单。相比之下，她的母亲则总是弃权。
Among the rare Palestinian Jerusalemites who are Israeli citizens and eligible to vote, her father would make the case for casting a ballot for an Arab-led electoral list. Her mother, by contrast, always abstained.
来自拜特哈尼纳（Beit Hanina）社区的阿塔姆内说：“她认为这助长了这样一种观念，即以色列是一个民主国家，巴勒斯坦在这里享有同等的权利——结果却遭受极大的羞辱，然后迎来了史上最糟糕的政府之一，并且被法西斯分子包围。”
“She thinks it feeds into the idea that Israel is a democracy and Palestinians have the same rights here – only to get extremely humiliated, and then get one of the worst governments ever, and be surrounded by fascists,” said Atamneh, who hails from the neighbourhood of Beit Hanina.
10月27日，这位19岁的年轻人将在以色列大选中投下第一票。她认为这是对被占领的约旦河西岸和加沙地带数百万巴勒斯坦人的一项责任，这些巴勒斯坦人在下届以色列政府中将没有发言权，但她认为，他们承受着以色列占领、种族清洗和种族灭绝的最沉重打击。
On October 27, the 19-year-old will vote for the first time in Israel’s general election She sees it as a responsibility to the millions of Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and the Gaza Strip, who will have no say in the next Israeli government but, she believes, bear the brunt of its occupation, ethnic cleansing and genocide.
“我觉得我必须为这些人发声，”阿特姆内说。“并不是说一个人真的能做那么多——但如果这能给他们带来百分之一的希望，我就会去做。”
“I feel like I have to be these people’s voice,” said Atamneh. “Not that one person is really capable of that much – but if this gives them one percent hope, then I will do it.”
但阿特姆内说，她讲阿拉伯语，难以跟上希伯来语的选举报道。“我个人感觉被排除在一切之外，我们甚至不是讨论的一部分，”她补充道。“感觉没有哪个政党真正关注我们这一代首次投票的巴勒斯坦选民。”她复杂的心情反映了以色列巴勒斯坦公民——约占其人口五分之一——在大选前的心态。很少有人相信体制会为他们服务，但许多人担心再次出现由以色列任职时间最长的总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡领导的政府，自2023年以来，他在加沙地带对巴勒斯坦人发动了种族灭绝战争。
But Atamneh, who speaks Arabic, said she struggles to follow election coverage in Hebrew. “I personally feel excluded from everything, that we’re not even a part of the discussion,” she added. “It feels like none of the parties really address our generation of first-time Palestinian voters.”Her mixed feelings capture the mood among Palestinian citizens of Israel – about a fifth of its population – ahead of the election. Few believe the system will serve them, but many fear another government led by Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister, who has overseen Israel’s genocidal war against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip since 2023.
恐惧是否压倒幻灭，可能决定这场竞选的走向，民调显示，内塔尼亚胡领导的极右翼集团和自诩为“犹太复国主义”的反对派联盟，若没有拉阿姆党和联合名单这两个阿拉伯主导政党的支持，都无法组建政府。
Whether fear outweighs disillusion may decide a contest in which opinion polls suggest neither Netanyahu’s far-right-led bloc nor the self-styled Zionist opposition alliance will be able to govern without Ra’am and the Joint List, the two Arab-led parties.
如果在120席的克内塞特（以色列议会）中无人能组建多数，将宣布重新选举——届时以色列历史上最右翼的现任内塔尼亚胡政府将继续留任。
And if no one can form a majority in the 120-seat Knesset, new elections will be called – keeping the current Netanyahu government, the most hard right in Israel’s history, in place until then.
在种族灭绝阴影下投票 对以色列巴勒斯坦公民而言，推动这场选举的动力是近年来极右翼对巴勒斯坦人权利、生计和土地的侵害不断加剧。
Voting in the shadow of genocide For Palestinian citizens of Israel, the animating force of the election is the acceleration of the hard-right assault on Palestinian rights, livelihoods and land in recent years.
“此次选举发生在种族灭绝、约旦河西岸种族清洗，以及以色列对境内巴勒斯坦人实施严厉国家政策的背景下，”海法大学政治学家阿萨德·加内姆说。“以色列巴勒斯坦公民真的很害怕。他们的领导层也很害怕，这是真实的。”对于生活在加利利地区一个德鲁兹村庄的36岁巴勒斯坦基督徒哈南来说，感觉危险不断逼近家门口。
“This election comes in the context of the genocide and the ethnic cleansing in the West Bank, and the harsh state policies towards Palestinians in Israel,” said As’ad Ghanem, a political scientist at the University of Haifa. “Palestinian citizens are really afraid. Their leadership is afraid, and this is real.”For Hanan, a 36-year-old Palestinian Christian in a Druze village in the Galilee, it feels like the danger keeps coming closer to her doorstep.
上个月，居住在约旦河西岸非法定居点的以色列定居者试图在加利利地区的巴勒斯坦聚居地马吉德阿尔克鲁姆附近建立一个非法前哨站。随后，以色列极右翼财政部长贝扎莱尔·斯莫特里奇发布了一段人工智能生成的竞选视频，视频中一名来自约旦河西岸的巴勒斯坦人惊恐地给他在加利利地区的亲戚打电话，告诉他“犹太人要来了”，并要“对你们做他们对我们做过的事”。
Israeli settlers residing in illegal settlements in the West Bank last month tried to build an illegal outpost near Majd al-Krum, a Palestinian community in the Galilee. Then, Israel’s far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich released an AI-generated campaign video, in which a Palestinian from the West Bank frantically calls his relative in the Galilee to tell him that “the Jews are coming” to “do to you what they did to us”.
“这样的行为让我更加担心定居者会变本加厉，试图夺取更多的巴勒斯坦土地，”哈南说。“这让我更想去投票，也更想鼓励其他人去投票。”“我们面临着真正的危险”9月23日，以色列中央选举委员会投票决定取消“拉阿姆”党以及由哈达什党、巴拉德党和塔阿尔党组成的政党联盟“联合名单”的参选资格，随后最高法院推翻了这些决定。然而，在最高法院暗示多数法官倾向于支持维持取消其参选资格的决定后，巴拉德党的萨米·阿布·谢哈德退出了竞选。
“Acts like these make me more afraid that the settlers will get worse and try to take more Palestinian land,” said Hanan. “This makes me want to vote more, and want to encourage other people to vote.”‘We are under a real danger’On September 23, Israel’s Central Elections Committee voted to disqualify Ra’am and the Joint List – an alliance of the Hadash, Balad and Ta’al parties – before the Supreme Court overturned the decisions. However, Balad’s Sami Abu Shehadeh withdrew his candidacy after the court indicated that a majority of justices supported upholding his disqualification.
许多巴勒斯坦人认为这是该体制非法的确凿证据；一些人表示，试图取消这些政党资格反而是无论如何都要动员起来的另一个理由。“我们感到自己正受到攻击，”阿拉伯犹太关系专家萨比特·阿布·拉苏说。“这就是为什么我们要以更高的比例投出选票。”在过去五次选举中，以色列巴勒斯坦公民的投票率在45%至65%之间波动，在2022年的上届选举中达到了约53%。
Many Palestinians saw this as confirmation that the system is illegitimate; some said the attempt to disqualify the parties was further reason to mobilise either way. “We feel that we are under attack,” said Thabet Abu Rass, an expert on Arab-Jewish relations. “This is why we will cast our vote in a higher percentage.”Voter turnout among Palestinian citizens of Israel ranged from roughly 45 to 65 percent over the past five elections, reaching about 53 percent in the last polls in 2022.
一名巴勒斯坦竞选活动运作人员援引民调数据称，估计约有62%的巴勒斯坦公民计划在下周投票；他说，目标是达到70%至75%，这一投票率上一次达到是在1999年，当时75%的巴勒斯坦人投票率帮助时任总理埃胡德·巴拉克击败了内塔尼亚胡。
A Palestinian campaign operative cited surveys estimating about 62 percent of Palestinian citizens plan to vote next week; he said the aim is 70 to 75 percent, last reached in 1999, when a 75 percent Palestinian turnout helped PM Ehud Barak beat Netanyahu.
“我们想把它带到那里，”他说，并指出，高投票率可能会阻止阿姆查·以色列和预备役等较小的右翼政党跨过3.25%的选举门槛，从而改变整个权力格局。尽管巴勒斯坦人的选择有限且僵化，但选民人数可能激增。
“We want to take it there,” he said, noting that a high turnout could keep smaller right-wing parties like Amcha Yisrael and The Reservists from clearing the 3.25 percent electoral threshold, shifting the entire balance of power. The potential voter surge comes despite Palestinians’ limited, ossified choices.
“每次选举，我都告诉自己，今年我不投票了，因为实际上我们感觉阿拉伯议员并没有做多少事，”哈南哀叹道，她对缺乏女性代表或新的政治声音表示遗憾。“但最终，我总是去投票，因为我感觉也许这次会有帮助。”
“Every election, I tell myself that this year I’m not going to vote, because in reality we don’t feel that the Arab members do much,” said Hanan, bemoaning the lack of female representation or new political voices. “But in the end, I always go and vote, because I feel that maybe this time it will help.”
尽管人们有顾虑，政治学家加尼姆却驳斥了大规模抵制投票的可能性，称这“如今只是一种小众观点”。“我们面临着真正的危险，”他说，“我们可以为结束这届政府的任期做出贡献。”
Despite people’s misgivings, Ghanem, the political scientist, dismissed the potential for a mass boycott as “a small point of view” by now. “We are under a real danger,” he said, “and we can contribute to ending this government’s term.”
哈南说：“我知道投票就像承认有一个以色列国家，但它就在这里。我们不能总是做梦。”
Hanan said, “I know that voting is like admitting that there is an Israeli country, but it’s here. We can’t be all dreamy.”
这位竞选工作人员补充道：“我们拥有与犹太人平等权利的唯一天……就是选举日。”没有席位的王中王 问题是，反内塔尼亚胡阵营的犹太以色列政党将如何处理阿拉伯领导的名单。民意调查始终显示，两个犹太复国主义阵营都未能达到组建政府所需的61个席位——阿拉伯政党将起到决定性作用。
The campaign operative added: “The only day that we have the right to be equal with the Jews … is the day of elections.”Kingmakers without a seat at the table The question is what Jewish Israeli parties in the anti-Netanyahu camp will do with the Arab-led lists. Opinion polls have consistently left both Zionist blocs short of the 61 seats needed to form a government – with the Arab parties making the difference.
从表面上看，这应该使联合名单和拉姆党成为选举的“王中王”。然而，反对党领袖纳夫塔利·贝内特表示：“阿拉伯政党不是犹太复国主义，因此我们不会依赖它们。”前参谋长、反对党潜在总理候选人加迪·艾森科特也表示拒绝与阿拉伯政党合作，驳回了内塔尼亚胡试图将他与阿拉伯政党联系起来的尝试：“没有加迪·艾森科特，就没有艾哈迈德·蒂比”已成为内塔尼亚胡频繁使用的竞选口号，指的是塔勒党领袖艾哈迈德·蒂比。
On paper, that should make the Joint List and Ra’am kingmakers in the election. Yet opposition leader Naftali Bennett has said “The Arab parties are not Zionist, and therefore we will not rely on them.”Former army chief and potential prime ministerial candidate for the opposition Gadi Eisenkot has also expressed refusal to partner with the Arab parties, batting back attempts by Netanyahu to link him to them: “There is no Gadi [Eisenkot] without [Ahmad] Tibi” has become a frequent campaign slogan for Netanyahu, referring to the leader of Ta’al.
随着选情处于白热化边缘，巴勒斯坦选民必须在一个对他们不利的体制中，权衡原则与战略投票。阿塔姆内表示，她最初曾考虑战术性地投票给拉姆党——这是一个在内盖夫拥有贝都因人基础的宗教保守政党，或是投票给自由派犹太复国主义政党民主党——这两者都比共同名单更有可能加入反内塔尼亚胡执政联盟。但她最终决定出于原则投票给共同名单。
With the election at a knife’s edge, Palestinian voters must weigh principle against strategic voting in a system stacked against them. Initially, Atamneh said she considered voting tactically for Ra’am, a religiously conservative party with a Bedouin base in the Naqab, or even the Democrats, the liberal Zionist party – both likelier than the Joint List to join an anti-Netanyahu coalition. But she decided to vote for the Joint List on principle.
她说：“虽然我可以对一些事情妥协，但归根结底，我必须坚守那些无法轻易放下的道德和价值观。作为巴勒斯坦人，我们必须支持巴勒斯坦人。”2021年，拉姆党创造了历史，成为第一个加入以色列政府的阿拉伯政党，当时它加入了一个短暂赶下内塔尼亚胡的广泛执政联盟。但该党的说辞——即为巴勒斯坦公民争取实际利益和保护要靠加入执政联盟来实现——并未说服所有人。
“While I can give in to a few things,” she said, “at the end of the day, I have to abide by morals and values I can’t let go of that easily. As Palestinians, we have to support Palestinians.”In 2021, Ra’am made history by becoming the first Arab party to join an Israeli government when it entered a broad coalition that briefly unseated Netanyahu. But its pitch – that real gains and protections for Palestinian citizens come from sitting in a coalition government – has failed to persuade everyone.
加尼姆认为，拉姆党领导人曼苏尔·阿巴斯“几乎付出一切来换取一点预算……但我们依然是巴勒斯坦人”。然而，预计贝都因人公民将在很大程度上支持拉姆党，希望它能像2021至2022年那样加入执政联盟。阿布·拉斯说：“贝都因人的政治话语本质上是公民话语，”贝都因人关注的是“日常生存”——希望被纳入政府能够带来“承认他们未获承认的村庄、投资教育和就业”。
Ghanem argued Ra’am leader Mansour Abbas “gives everything almost in order to get a little bit of budget … but we’re still Palestinians.”However, Bedouin citizens are expected to largely support Ra’am, hoping it will join the ruling coalition like it did in 2021-2022. “Bedouin political discourse is a civic discourse rather than anything else,” said Abu Rass, with Bedouins focused on “daily survival” – hoping inclusion into the government can bring about “recognising their unrecognised villages, investing in education, and employment”.
“在结束占领之前，我想拯救我的同胞”正如加尼姆所说，以色列的巴勒斯坦人政治“非常薄弱，因为我们在社群内部没有巩固的政治力量”。
‘Before ending the occupation, I want to save my people’ As Ghanem put it, Palestinian politics in Israel is “very weak because we don’t have consolidated political power internally in our community”.
但这位政治学者认为，“联合名单”能够像1993年那样对以色列的组阁产生重大影响，当时巴勒斯坦政党在内阁外部支持了伊扎克·拉宾的政府。他说，想要取代内阁总理内塔尼亚胡，“并不意味着我们必须成为联合政府的一部分”——而只需成为“旨在取代这个种族主义政府的整个阵营”的一部分。
But the political scientist believes the Joint List can make a serious impact on Israeli coalition building like in 1993, when Palestinian parties supported Yitzhak Rabin’s government from outside the cabinet. Wanting to replace Netanyahu, he said, “doesn’t mean that we have to be part of the coalition” – only part of “the whole bloc that wants to replace this racist government”.
上周，“联合名单”领导人优素福·贾巴林表示，在达成一致的条件（包括实现巴勒斯坦国建国的途径，以及打击以色列巴勒斯坦人社区的有组织犯罪和暴力活动）下，他们愿意采取这种做法。
Last week, Joint List leader Yousef Jabareen expressed a willingness to do just that under agreed-upon terms, including a path to Palestinian statehood and fighting organised crime and violence in Israel’s Palestinian communities.
尽管竞选言论声称并非如此，但阿布·拉斯仍持乐观态度，认为以艾森科特为首的反对派最终会以某种方式接受阿拉伯政党作为合作伙伴。
Despite the campaign rhetoric saying otherwise, Abu Rass is optimistic the Eisenkot-led opposition will ultimately accept Arab parties as partners in some fashion.
他说：“如果阿拉伯人获得15、16、17个议员席位，所有人都会敲开阿拉伯人的大门。他们在公开场合不愿意这么说……但（不过）我确信选举结束后，他们会有不同的说法。”
“If the Arabs get 15, 16, 17 MKs [members of the Knesset], everybody will knock on the doors of the Arabs,” he said. “Publicly, they are not willing to say that … [but] I’m sure after the election, they will talk differently.”
阿布·拉斯在以色列对加沙的袭击中失去了38位亲属，他表示，一个反内塔尼亚胡的联合政府不会带来和平，但它可以遏制现政府日益恶化的暴行不断加剧。他补充说：“在结束占领之前，我想拯救我的同胞。”阿塔姆内警告称可能会出现另一个极右翼政府，她相信自己终于说服了母亲去投票。
ti-Netanyahu coalition would not bring peace, said Abu Rass, who lost 38 relatives to Israeli attacks on Gaza, but it could be a brake on the worsening atrocities of the current government. “Before ending the occupation,” he added, “I want to save my people.”Warning of another far-right government, Atamneh believes she has finally convinced her mother to vote.
她说：“有糟糕的，还有极度糟糕的。我们宁愿要糟糕的，也不要极度糟糕的。哪怕我能阻止一条生命消逝、一份拆迁令下达或任何类似的事情，那也比什么都不做要好。”
“There’s bad, and then there’s extremely bad. We’d much rather have bad than extremely bad,” she said. “Even if I can prevent one death or one demolition order or anything like that, then it’s better than nothing.”
经过短暂的停顿，她补充道：“但随后你就会觉得——好吧，我只是在帮以色列重塑其（作为民主国家的）形象。这感觉像是死胡同。”
After a brief pause, she added: “But then you’re like – well, I’m just helping Israel reshape its image [as a democracy]. It feels like a dead end.”