加迪·埃森科特的摩洛哥血统能否在以色列挑战内塔尼亚胡？菲利克斯·塔姆苏特（Felix Tamsut）2026年10月25日 在以色列准备投票之际，加迪·埃森科特（Gadi Eisenkot）正在斯代罗特等利库德集团的票仓中利用其摩洛哥血统。从历史鸿沟到10月7日，身份认同与创伤正在重新定义这座城市的政治忠诚。
Can Eisenkot’s Moroccan roots challenge Netanyahu in Israel? Felix Tamsut October 25, 2026 As Israel prepares to vote, Gadi Eisenkot is leveraging his Moroccan heritage in Likud strongholds such as Sderot. From historical divides to October 7, identity and trauma are redefining the city's political loyalties.
加迪·埃森科特的竞选广告在摩洛哥阿拉伯语中使用“我们自己的总理”一词 在周二选举到来之前，各政党向抵达以色列西部城市斯代罗特郊外火车站的人们致意。
Gadi Eisenkot election ads use the term 'a prime minister of our own' in Moroccan Arabic Ahead of Tuesday's elections party s greet people arriving by train to the outskirts of the western Israeli city of Sderot.
带有各种口号的竞选海报宣传着右翼的利库德集团和极右翼的“犹太力量党”。然而，有一张海报比其他任何海报都更常见：那是……的自由派“正义党”（Yashar）的海报。
Campaign posters with various slogans promote the right-wing Likud and the far-right Otzma Yehudit parties. However, one poster is seen more than any others: that of's liberal Yashar party.
其口号“Rosh Memshala Dialna”结合了希伯来语的“总理”一词与摩洛哥阿拉伯语的“我们自己的”一词。
Its slogan, "Rosh Memshala Dialna," combines the terms "prime minister" in Hebrew and the words "of our own" in Moroccan Arabic.
埃森科特在斯代罗特以及以色列社会政治边缘的其他城市的竞选活动将其摩洛哥血统作为重点，这是有充分理由的。
And there is a good reason why Eisenkot's campaign in Sderot and other cities on Israel's sociopolitical periphery focuses on his Moroccan roots.
埃森科特的米兹拉希犹太人背景 斯代罗特位于内盖夫沙漠，在特拉维夫以南约75公里（45英里）处，距离加沙边境仅有一公里，是一座拥有大量摩洛哥犹太人社区的城市。近几十年来，这座城市已成为以色列摩洛哥犹太文化的象征，这种文化在音乐、电影和国家政治中得到了体现。以色列选举：内塔尼亚胡的挑战者加迪·埃森科特是谁？
Eisenkot's Mizrahi background Sderot — located in the Negev desert, about 75 kilometers (45 miles) to Tel Aviv's south and just a kilometer away from the Gaza border— is a city with a large Moroccan Jewish community. In recent decades, the city has become symbolic of Moroccan-Jewish culture in Israel, finding its expression in music, cinema and state politics. Israel elections: Who is Gadi Eisenkot, Netanyahu's challenger?
观看此视频，历史上，斯代罗特被视为以色列右翼的据点，尤其是总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡领导的利库德集团的票仓。2022年，利库德集团在斯代罗特获得了超过40%的选票，而在全国范围内这一比例为23%。以色列极右翼执政联盟的其他成员在上届选举中也在那里获得了大量支持。
To view this video , and Historically, Sderot is considered a bastion of the Israeli right, and especially a stronghold of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu 's Likud. In 2022, Likud received more than 40% of the votes in Sderot, compared with 23% nationwide. Other members of Israel's far-right coalition received a lot of support there in the last election.
这种模式反映了以色列内部更深层的历史分歧，即阿什肯纳兹犹太人（欧洲裔犹太人）与米兹拉希犹太人（主要来自中东和北非背景的犹太人）之间的分歧。据估计，以色列犹太人口中约有一半为米兹拉希裔，约合400万人。
This pattern reflects deeper historical divisions in Israel between Ashkenazim, or Jews of European origin, and Mizrahim, or Jews mostly from Middle Eastern and North African backgrounds. According to estimates, half of Israel's Jewish population is of Mizrahi origin, amounting to about 4 million people.
自以色列建国初期以来，米兹拉希犹太人一直面临歧视和忽视。这种不平等至今仍在塑造以色列的经济和社会现实——以及其政治话语。
Mizrahi Jews have faced discrimination and neglect since the early days of the Israeli state. This inequality still shapes the economic and social reality in Israel ― and its political discourse.
这一议题在2026年竞选中受到特别关注。内塔尼亚胡的主要挑战者艾森科特具有摩洛哥血统，在拥有大量北非犹太人口的埃拉特长大。艾森科特的“亚沙尔”党指责利库德集团边缘化其米兹拉希裔政治人物。竞选口号“内塔尼亚胡：让米兹拉希人去接受采访”讽刺了这种忽视。
The issue has received special attention in the 2026 campaign. Eisenkot, Netanyahu's major challenger, is of Moroccan origin and grew up in Eilat, a city with a large North African Jewish population. Eisenkot's Yashar party accused Likud of sidelining its Mizrahi politicians. The campaign slogan, "Netanyahu: Let the Mizrahim give interviews,” mocked that omission.
斯德罗特的一场贴纸运动呼吁选出一位米兹拉希裔总理。在直播电视节目中，内塔尼亚胡最直言不讳的支持者之一、右翼记者亚农·马加尔声称艾森科特受精英阿什肯纳兹人控制，并称其为“猴子”。具有欧洲血统的内塔尼亚胡谴责了这一言论。
A sticker campaign in Sderot called for a Mizrahi prime minister On live television, the right-wing journalist Yinon Magal — one of Netanyahu's most vocal supporters— claimed that Eisenkot was being controlled by elitist Ashkenazim and called him a "monkey." Netanyahu, who is of European origin, condemned the remark.
出生于摩洛哥的丹尼尔·本-西蒙是一位获奖的以色列记者和前议会议员，他对德国之声表示，艾森科特拥抱自己的根源或许是马加尔的言论逼出来的——但这仍具有历史价值。
Morocco-born Daniel Ben-Simon, an award-winning Israeli journalist and a former member of parliament, told DW that Eisenkot's embrace of his roots might have been forced upon him by Magal's comments — but it has historical value nevertheless.
“人们不会带着自豪感使用‘Dialna’（我们自己人）这样的词汇，”本-西蒙说道，指的是艾森科特在竞选海报中使用阿拉伯语词汇“Dialna”来拥抱自身身份。他说，以色列社会长期以来一直试图抹除北非犹太人的阿拉伯身份认同。
"People don't use terms like 'Dialna' with pride," Ben-Simon said, referring to Eisenkot's embrace of the Arabic term "of our own" in campaign posters. He said Israeli society had long tried to erase the Arab identities of North African Jews.
艾森科特对自身身份的拥抱，成为了“跳出”社会所设框架的一种方式。“通过使用这样一个词，你正在创造一种新身份：一种以色列-摩洛哥身份，”本-西蒙说。“艾森科特是第一个允许这种双重身份得到表达、且依然能感到宾至如归的人。”以色列的历史鸿沟 以色列建国后，执政的社会主义政党工党（Mapai，其领导层主要由阿什肯纳兹犹太人组成）对米兹拉赫犹太人奉行歧视性政策。
Eisenkot's embrace of his identity serves as a way of "leaving the frame" set by society. "By using such a term, you're creating a new identity: an Israeli-Moroccan identity," Ben-Simon said. "Eisenkot is the first to allow this double identity to be expressed and still feel at home." Israel's historical divide After Israel 's founding, the ruling socialist party, Mapai, whose leadership was largely Ashkenazi, pursued discriminatory policies against Mizrahim.
米兹拉赫犹太人往往被期望去“欧洲化”，而不是保留他们自己的文化、传统或阿拉伯语。阿拉伯选民会掌握以色列大选的关键吗？
Mizrahim were often expected to "Europeanize” rather than preserve their own culture, heritage, or Arabic language. Could Arab voters hold the key in Israel's election?
这些不平等也采取了物质形式。在该国建国后的最初几十年里，欧洲移民往往能获得更好的住房和工作，而许多来自讲阿拉伯语国家的犹太人则被送往“马阿巴罗特”（Ma’abarot，即临时过境营地），通常位于几乎没有基础设施的偏远地区。许多营地后来变成了“发展城镇”，与以色列中部地区相比，这些城镇获得的资金长期不足。这反过来又导致了贫困。南部的斯代罗特是最著名的发展城镇之一。
These inequalities also took a material form. In the state's early decades, while European immigrants often received better housing and jobs, many Jews from Arab-speaking countries were sent to Ma'abarot, or temporary transit camps, often in remote areas with little infrastructure. Many later became "development towns,” which remained underfunded compared with Israel's central regions. That in turn resulted in poverty. Sderot, in the south, is one of the best-known development towns.
对许多米兹拉赫犹太人来说，就业、教育和基础设施获取渠道的受限，象征着工党建制派长期以来的排挤。1973年作为右翼联盟成立的利库德集团在梅纳赫姆·贝京的领导下，有效地利用了这种挫败感。米兹拉赫犹太人对贝京的支持促成了“政治巨变”（Mahapach），当时利库德集团首次击败社会主义阵营并夺取政权。自那以后，米兹拉赫犹太人通常与利库德集团联系在一起，尽管该党从未有过一位米兹拉赫裔领导人。
For many Mizrahim, limited access to jobs, education and infrastructure symbolized long-standing exclusion by the Mapai establishment. Likud, founded as a right-wing alliance in 1973, used this frustration effectively under Menachem Begin Mizrahi support for Begin helped produce the Mahapach, or upheaval, when Likud first defeated the socialist camp and took power. Since then, Mizrahim have often been associated with Likud, even though the party has never had a Mizrahi leader.
斯代罗特不断变化的人口结构 在过去的二十年里，斯代罗特临近加沙的地理位置使该市成为武装组织哈马斯发动的火箭弹袭击的频发目标。在2023年10月7日由哈马斯主导的恐怖袭击中，斯代罗特市遭受了极其严重的打击。有50多人丧生。在袭击发生后的三年里，该市的人口增加了约5000人，达到4万，许多年轻家庭将该镇当作他们的家园，这既是出于理想主义，也是为了政府福利。
Sderot's changing demographics Over the past two decades, Sderot's proximity to Gaza has made the city a frequent target of rocket attacks launched by the militant group Hamas During the Hamas-led terrorist attacks on October 7, 2023 the city of Sderot was hit especially hard. More than 50 people were killed. In the three years since the attack, the city's population has grown by about 5,000 people, bringing it to 40,000, with many young families making the town their home, both as a result of idealism and government benefits.
斯代罗特的10月7日遇难者纪念碑 走在镇上，很难不注意到所谓的民族宗教群体正变得日益占主导地位。这一群体倾向于投票给贝扎雷尔·斯莫特里奇的极右翼“宗教锡安主义”党，该党是内塔尼亚胡执政联盟的核心成员。尽管对斯莫特里奇及其政党的投票实际上就是对内塔尼亚胡阵营的投票，但总理本人的利库德集团本身可能会在斯代罗特遭受票数损失。
The Sderot memorial for the victims of October 7 Walking around the town, it's hard not to notice that the so-called national-religious community is becoming increasingly dominant. This community tends to vote for Bezalel Smotrich's far-right Religious Zionism party, a main member of Netanyahu's coalition. Though votes for Smotrich and his party are de facto votes for Netanyahu's bloc, the prime minister's Likud party itself could suffer losses in Sderot.
无论选举结果如何，斯代罗特作为摩洛哥犹太人城市的印象在短期内都不会改变。本-西蒙表示，艾森科特的当选可以为重塑以色列摩洛哥犹太人未来的身份认同提供一个契机。
Regardless of the election's results, the perception of Sderot as a city of Moroccan Jews is not bound to change anytime soon. Ben-Simon said Eisenkot's election could serve as an opportunity for reshaping Moroccan Jews' future identity in Israel.
本-西蒙说：“由于艾森科特的获胜，像斯代罗特这样的城市与它们的摩洛哥之根的联系将会变得更加紧密。”
"The connection cities like Sderot have to their Moroccan roots would grow stronger as a result of an Eisenkot win," Ben-Simon said.