
尽管政治的基本规则是——需要获得50%加一票才能获胜——但两党偶尔也会推出来自右翼边缘或极左翼的提名人。这些候选人有时将糟糕的公众形象和辩论技巧与远超主流政治边缘的政策立场结合在一起。
Despite the basic rule of politics — it takes 50% of the vote plus one to win — both parties have occasionally put forward nominees from the farther reaches of the right or from the extreme left. Those candidates have sometimes combined terrible public personalities and debate skills with policy positions far beyond the edges of mainstream politics.
今年,民主党试图向选民推销四位极端分子:密歇根州的阿卜杜勒·埃尔-赛义德、明尼苏达州的佩吉·弗拉纳根、缅因州的特洛伊·杰克逊和得克萨斯州的詹姆斯·塔拉里科。在这四场竞选中的三场,共和党以中间派提名人应战:密歇根州的迈克·罗杰斯、明尼苏达州的米歇尔·塔福亚,以及缅因州的现任参议员苏珊·柯林斯。柯林斯作为参议院拨款委员会主席,是国会山内最有权势的女性,她的落选将给缅因州人带来巨大的“乌龙球”(自损利益)。
This year Democrats are trying to sell four extremists to voters: Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan, Peggy Flanagan in Minnesota, Troy Jackson in Maine and James Talarico in Texas. In three of those four races, Republicans have countered with nominees from the center: Mike Rogers in Michigan, Michele Tafoya in Minnesota and the incumbent in Maine, Senator Susan Collins, who, as Chair of the Senate Committee on Appropriations is the most powerful woman inside the Beltway and whose defeat would be an enormous "own goal" for Mainers. The Republican Senate nominee in Texas is the state’s own attorney general, Ken Paxton, who has run and won three times in the Lone Star State.
得克萨斯州的共和党参议员提名人是该州自己的总检察长肯·帕克斯顿,他在“孤星州”已三次参选并三次获胜。帕克斯顿是个有缺陷的候选人,但他将在参议院成为一张可靠的共和党选票,尽管初选竞争激烈留下了伤感情绪,该党仍团结在他周围。
Paxton is a flawed candidate, but he will be a reliable GOP vote in the Senate and the party has rallied to him even though there are bruised feelings from the contentious primary. Republicans have indulged their base over the years, especially in 2010 when it put forward Christine O’Donnell in Delaware, Sharron Angle in Nevada, and Ken Buck in Colorado, and in 2012 with the nominations of Todd Akin in Missouri and Richard Mourdock in Indiana.
多年来,共和党一直在迁就其基本盘,特别是在2010年推出了特拉华州的克里斯汀·奥唐奈、内华达州的莎伦·安格尔和科罗拉多州的肯·巴克,以及2012年提名了密苏里州的托德·艾金和印第安纳州的理查德·默多克。那五位共和党人全部落选。
All five of those Republicans lost. This year, a week out from Election Day, it especially doesn’t look good for Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan and Troy Jackson in Maine.
今年,距离选举日仅一周,阿卜杜勒·埃尔-赛义德在密歇根州和特洛伊·杰克逊在缅因州的前景看起来尤其不妙。埃尔-赛义德有一种条件反射式的怨怼态度,而在缅因州,杰克逊在任何与苏珊·柯林斯的并列比较中都处于劣势,柯林斯是一位强劲的政治健将。
El-Sayed has a reflexive attitude of grievance and in Maine, Jackson suffers in any side-by-side comparison with Susan Collins, who is a formidable political athlete. Talarico has seen Paxton rise and rise in the polls and the GOP has spent millions showing Texans how far out in left field Talarico plays.
塔拉里科眼看着帕克斯顿在民调中一路走高,共和党已花费数百万美元,让得克萨斯人看清楚塔拉里科的立场有多么偏左、多么不着边际。塔拉里科莫名其妙地从竞选活动中消失了12天,并归咎于流感。
Talarico weirdly vanished from the campaign trail for a dozen days and blamed the flu. In Minnesota — the "bluest" of the four states, the epic fraud scandal has followed Flanagan's campaign, who has been the state’s Lieutenant Governor since 2019.
在明尼苏达州——这四个州中“最蓝”的一个——一桩重大欺诈丑闻一直紧随着弗拉纳根的竞选,她自2019年以来一直担任该州副州长。与弗拉纳根对阵的是共和党温和派米歇尔·塔福亚,这位光彩照人、和蔼可亲的中间派堪称政坛“年度新人”。
Flanagan is matched against the political "rookie of the year" in Republican moderate Michele Tafoya, a sparkling and affable centrist. Democrats have tried to prop up their failing four fanatics by sending out Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio Cortez, former Vice President Kamala Harris and have pulled former President Barack Obama off Martha’s Island to throw him into the breach.
民主党试图通过派出伯尼·桑德斯、亚历山德里娅·奥卡西奥-科尔特斯、前副总统卡玛拉·哈里斯来为四位选情告急的狂热候选人撑腰,还把前总统巴拉克·奥巴马从玛莎葡萄园岛拉来出马救场。
Trouble is "AOC," "Bernie," and "Kamala" all telegraph "whacky or worse" into the electorate’s consciousness, and the former president’s schtick was old in 2014 when he helped provoke a red wave with Republicans netting nine Senate seats and a baker’s dozen House seats.
麻烦在于,“AOC”、“伯尼”和“卡玛拉”向选民意识里传递的都是“疯狂或更糟”的信号,而前总统的那套把戏在2014年就已经过时了——当年他帮助激起了红色浪潮,共和党净增9个参议院席位和13个众议院席位。
El-Sayed’s campaign seems to be in free-fall as the candidate first turned argumentative, then angry, in appearances culminating last week with his interview with Fox News’ own Bret Baier.
埃尔-萨耶德的竞选似乎正在直线下滑,他在公开露面中先变得好斗,随后又变得愤怒,上周在接受福克斯新闻的布雷特·拜尔采访时达到顶点。埃尔-萨耶德对拜尔充满敌意、粗暴无礼——拜尔是新闻界典型的绅士——任何看到这一幕的人都立刻明白,他是想通过大声盖过拜尔的提问、转向与拜尔直截了当的简短问题毫无关系的无关话题,来掩盖自己的从政记录。那次采访可能是本轮竞选周期中对该候选人伤害最大的一刻,因为此前罗杰斯刚刚在两人的最后一场辩论中痛击了埃尔-萨耶德。
El-Sayed’s hostile and rude treatment of Baier — the quintessential gentleman of the news business — was instantly understood by anyone who saw it as an attempt to hide his record by loudly talking over Baier’s questions and deflecting to non-issues unrelated to Baier’s straightforward and brief questions. That interview may have done the candidate the most damage of the cycle as it came after Rogers had just blistered El-Sayed in their final debate. El-Sayed’s many attempts in many settings to cover up the details of his "Medicare for All" tax-spend-and-ration health care boondoggle with semantics and word puzzles left viewers wondering on what topic could they actually trust El-Sayed?
赛义德多次在不同场合试图用语义和文字游戏,掩盖其“全民医保”税收-支出-配给式医疗烂摊子的细节,这让观众不禁想问:他们到底能在哪个话题上真正信任赛义德?当然不是伊朗或伊斯兰极端主义,因为赛义德拼命想摆脱自己过去的言行,结果却适得其反。
Certainly not Iran or Islamist extremism, as El-Sayed’s frantic attempts to escape his past actions and statements have backfired. El-Sayed’s biggest blunder — his declaration that "hurt people hurt people" after an attack on a Michigan synagogue — has never receded in the public’s mind.
赛义德最大的失误——在密歇根州一座犹太教堂遭袭后宣称“受伤的人会伤害别人”——从未在公众心中淡去。与此同时,罗杰斯在底特律和庞蒂亚克及其周边传统的民主党票仓有条不紊地开展竞选,并强调他作为联邦和州议员、联邦调查局探员和陆军军官的杰出履历。
Rogers, meanwhile, has methodically campaigned in traditional Democratic strongholds in and around Detroit and Pontiac and stresses his distinguished career as a federal and state legislator, FBI agent and Army officer. Peggy Flanagan and James Talarico simply haven’t, and apparently cannot, connect with the center of their states’ electorates.
佩吉·弗兰纳根和詹姆斯·塔拉里科根本没有、显然也无法与本州选民的中心群体建立联系。他们完全“偏离了40多岁的区间”,而美国政治的大部分——就像大多数NFL比赛一样——都在这个区间内展开。弗兰纳根的竞选活动深陷一场大规模欺诈的泥潭,这起欺诈波及双城部分索马里社区。塔拉里科长期混迹于“觉醒派”之中,这在整个竞选过程中一直困扰着他,他那副天生茫然无知的表情也同样如此。
They are just "way outside the ‘40s’" where most of American politics, like most NFL games, are played. Flanagan’s campaign is mired in the swamp of the massive fraud that engulfed part of the Twin Cities’ Somali community. Talarico’s long tenure among "the woke" has haunted him throughout the campaign, as has his resting face of innocent cluelessness. Up in Maine, Troy Jackson got waxed by the veteran Collins in four out of four debates in all of which Jackson struggled with very basic questions about very basic issues — like the enormous difference between Medicare and Medicaid.
在缅因州,特洛伊·杰克逊在全部四场辩论中都被资深议员柯林斯彻底击败,而在这四场辩论中,杰克逊连关于最基本问题的非常基本的问题都应付不来——比如联邦医疗保险和医疗补助之间的巨大差别。当柯林斯开玩笑说一名扰乱辩论者是杰克逊的支持者时,杰克逊还对着辩论台上的麦克风咕哝道:“哦,闭嘴!”
"Oh shut up!" Jackson also grunted into a microphone on the debate stage as Collins made a joke about a debate disrupter being a Jackson supporter.
缅因州人向来彬彬有礼。他们也清楚,用一位常常看起来像是在户外过夜、刚睡醒的家伙,去取代参议院拨款委员会主席,对该州每个人来说都是极不明智的交易。当美国民主社会主义者组织(“DSA”)精心挑选、反复无常且多嘴多舌的格雷厄姆·普拉特纳被迫退出缅因州竞选时,缅因州民主党本可以挑选州内任何人来替代他。他们却选中了杰克逊——此前刚刚结束的民主党州长初选中得票第三名的落败者——这仍是这一个充满政治惊奇之年最令人费解的谜团之一。
Mainers are a polite lot. They also know that turning out the Chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee in favor of a guy who often looks like he slept outside and just woke up would be a singularly unwise trade for everyone in the state. When the Democratic Socialists of America’s ("DSA") hand-picked erratic and voluble Graham Platner had to exit the Maine race, the Maine Democratic Party could have picked anyone in the state to replace him. That they chose Jackson, the third place loser from the then just-completed Democratic gubernatorial primary, remains one of the baffling questions in a year of political surprises.
随着唐纳德·特朗普总统通过几乎每天一场、有时甚至一天两场的集会耗尽了自己的团队,共和党正在“回归本位”。总统深知“一切取决于投票率”这句陈词滥调的分量:左派对他的仇恨早已内化为其人设的一部分,但让自己的选民走出家门去投票,正是他的集会所能做到的。
The GOP is "coming home" as President Donald Trump has exhausted his own team with daily rallies and sometimes two. The cliché that "it all comes down to turnout" isn’t lost on the president who knows the hatred of the left is priced into his persona, but that getting his own voters to the polls is exactly what his rallies do.
共和党从“茶党”时代吸取了教训:光靠基本盘赢不了选举,但只靠基本盘也赢不了。民主党却忘记了1980年至1993年的“旷野流亡岁月”,那段时期只有在比尔·克林顿和民主党领导委员会将整个党拉回中间路线后才告结束。
Republicans learned from their "Tea Party" years that candidates cannot win with their bases, but also that you can’t win with just the base. Democrats have forgotten their wilderness years of 1980 through 1993, which only ended when Bill Clinton and the Democratic Leadership Council pulled the entire party back towards the middle.
如今,美国民主社会主义者组织已将民主党推入全面的“末路狂奔”模式,加速其驶向全国政治的左翼悬崖。去年纽约市长选举中马姆达尼市长险胜带来的“虚假阳性”信号,被证明是今年主流民主党的一场灾难。
Now the DSA has put the Democrats in full "Thelma and Louise" mode as they have accelerated their party over the left cliff of national politics. The "false positive" of Mayor Mamdani’s narrow win in the New York mayoral race last year proved to be a disaster for mainstream Democrats this year.
“50%加1”才是制胜公式。2026年的民主党忘记了这份配方,正如2010年和2012年的共和党一样。后果将在下周二揭晓。
"50% plus 1" is the formula. The Democrats of 2026 forgot that recipe even as the Republicans of 2010 and 2012 did. The consequences will be revealed next Tuesday.
休·休伊特是福克斯新闻撰稿人,也是《休·休伊特秀》的主持人,该节目在东部时间工作日下午3点至6点通过塞勒姆广播网播出,并在塞勒姆新闻频道同步直播。休伊特通过全美400多家联播电台以及SNC可用的所有流媒体平台,陪伴东海岸美国人下班回家、西海岸美国人共进午餐。他是福克斯新闻频道新闻圆桌节目的常客,该节目由布雷特·贝耶在东部时间工作日晚6点主持。
Hugh Hewitt is a Fox News contributor and host of "The Hugh Hewitt Show" heard weekday afternoons from 3 PM to 6 PM ET on the Salem Radio Network, and simulcast on Salem News Channel. Hugh drives Americans home on the East Coast and to lunch on the West Coast on over 400 affiliates nationwide, and on all the streaming platforms where SNC can be seen. He is a frequent guest on the Fox News Channel’s news roundtable, hosted by Bret Baier weekdays at 6pm ET.
作为俄亥俄州人,休伊特毕业于哈佛学院和密歇根大学法学院,自1996年起担任查普曼大学福勒法学院法学教授,教授宪法课程。休伊特于1990年在洛杉矶开办了以其名字命名的广播节目。他曾频繁出现在所有主要全国性新闻电视网络,为PBS和MSNBC主持过电视节目,为美国所有主要报纸撰稿,撰写了十几本书,并主持过数十场共和党候选人辩论,最近一次是2023年11月在迈阿密举行的共和党总统辩论,以及2015-16周期的四场共和党总统辩论。
A son of Ohio and a graduate of Harvard College and the University of Michigan Law School, Hewitt has been a Professor of Law at Chapman University’s Fowler School of Law since 1996 where he teaches Constitutional Law. Hewitt launched his eponymous radio show from Los Angeles in 1990. Hewitt has frequently appeared on every major national news television network, hosted television shows for PBS and MSNBC, written for every major American paper, has authored a dozen books and moderated a score of Republican candidate debates, most recently the November 2023 Republican presidential debate in Miami and four Republican presidential debates in the 2015-16 cycle.
休伊特将其广播节目和专栏的重点放在宪法、国家安全、美国政治以及克利夫兰布朗队和卫队上。在40年的广播生涯中,休伊特采访过数万位嘉宾,从民主党的希拉里·克林顿和约翰·克里到共和党总统小布什和唐纳德·特朗普。本专栏预告了将驱动其今日广播/电视节目的头条新闻。
Hewitt focuses his radio show and his column on the Constitution, national security, American politics and the Cleveland Browns and Guardians. Hewitt has interviewed tens of thousands of guests from Democrats Hillary Clinton and John Kerry to Republican Presidents George W. Bush and Donald Trump over his 40 years in broadcasting. This column previews the lead story that will drive his radio/ TV show today.