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选举日前民主党迎合极端分子,是极左翼的又一场胜利The Dems catering to the extremists ahead of Election Day is another victory for the far-left

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一张由三张图片组成的拼图:图1显示密歇根州民主党参议员候选人阿卜杜勒·埃尔-赛义德在竞选活动上对着麦克风讲话,同时用右手做手势;图2显示参议院少数党领袖查克·舒默在华盛顿的一个论坛上讲话;图3显示众议员南希·PAn image collage containing 3 images, Image 1 shows Michigan Democratic Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed speaks into a microphone while gesturing with his right hand during a campaign event, Image 2 shows Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer speaks at a forum in Washington, Image 3 shows Rep. Nancy P

数十年来,媒体一个经久不衰的叙事是,下一次选举将解决民主党中间派与极左派之间的内战。即便当前这一轮的胜负已然明显,这种唇舌之争仍在继续。

For decades, an evergreen media storyline has been that the next election will resolve the civil war between the center and far-left factions of the Democratic Party. The thumb-sucking chatter continues even as the victor of the current round is obvious.

在所有中期选举的选票投出并计票完毕之前,我们已有明确的赢家——是极左派,因为中间派再一次未能守住阵地。

Before all midterm votes are cast and counted, we have a clear winner — it’s the far left, because once again the center didn’t hold.

正如他们惯常所做的,相对温和的民主党人几乎没有抵抗就投降了,因此激进派不必夺取每一个席位就能赢得内部斗争。

As is their habit, relatively moderate Dems folded without much of a fight, and so the radicals did not need to seize every slot to win the internal struggle.

他们所要做的,只是让少数几位面孔新鲜的强硬派采取超出常规的立场,大肆喧嚣,并享受媒体将他们称为未来议程制定者的过程。老派领导层中有些人曾短暂抵抗,但收效甚微。

All they had to do was have a relative few fresh-faced hard-liners stake out positions beyond the pale, make a lot of noise and enjoy the ride as the media dubbed them the table setters of the future. Some of the old guard leadership briefly resisted, but to little avail.

他们的投降说明,为什么温和的民主党人正被扔进历史的垃圾堆,而激进派每个选举周期都在吞噬更多阵地。

Their capitulation illustrates why moderate Dems are getting dumped into the dustbins of history as the radicals gobble up more ground each election cycle.

他们都仇恨以色列,主张征收高额税收,赞成纵容罪犯、开放边境,扩大政府规模和影响力,同时限制个人自由。“党内共识”正如纽约市市长佐赫兰·马姆达尼在其1月就职演说中概括的社会主义愿景:“我们将用集体主义的温暖取代粗犷个人主义的冷漠。”此后不久,在严冬期间,20名无家可归的纽约人在高谭市的街道上冻死。

They all hate Israel, want exorbitant taxes, favor coddling criminals, opening the borders and swelling the size and reach of government while imposing restrictions on individual liberty. ‘Party consensus’As New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani summed up the Socialist vision in his January inaugural address, “We will replace the frigidity of rugged individualism with the warmth of collectivism.”Shortly after that, 20 homeless New Yorkers froze to death on Gotham’s streets during a harsh winter.

另一个教训来自前众议院议长南希·佩洛西,她在担任20届、40年后自愿离开国会。

A related lesson comes from former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who is voluntarily leaving Congress after 20 terms and 40 years.

她因在关键立法上铁腕统筹而广受赞誉,正返回加利福尼亚,希望民主党本周能赢得两院控制权。但在一档播客节目中,她补充了一个转折。

Widely admired for her ruthless ability to herd cats on key legislation, she heads back to California with hopes Dems win both chambers this week. But on a podcast, she added a wrinkle.

据《纽约时报》报道她的评论,她坚持认为,那些攻击以色列的极左派人士“不代表党内共识”,因为民主党正在争取国会控制权。

As The New York Times reported her comments, she insisted that those on the far left who are attacking Israel “don’t represent the consensus of the party” as it seeks congressional control.

她引用了马姆达尼和密歇根州参议院候选人阿卜杜勒·埃尔赛德的话,并表示,那些不支持以色列作为犹太国家存在权利的人不仅仅是“令人担忧——这是错误的”。我当然同意她的这一观点,但她随后深陷党派思维,称以色列问题上的激进立场并不妨碍她希望激进分子获胜。

She cited Mamdani and Michigan Senate nominee Abdul El-Sayed and said those who do not support Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state are not just “concerning — it’s wrong.”I certainly agree with her on that, but she then veered deep into the partisan mindset by saying the virulent positions on Israel do not stop her from wanting the radicals to win.

“这位密歇根州的新人,我们看看他能否当选国会议员,”她谈到埃尔赛德时说。

“This new person in Michigan, we’ll see if he gets elected to the Congress,” she said about El-Sayed.

“但市长,老天保佑,我希望他当好市长。但我不同意他说过的一些话。”她为自己的支持辩护,借口是两人都不代表民主党的大多数。

“But the mayor, bless his heart, I hope he succeeds as mayor. But I don’t agree with some of the things he has said.”She justified her support by hiding behind the fig leaf claim that neither man represents the majority of the party.

实际上,她愿意容忍他们的反犹主义,因为他们的胜利会让民主党拥有更多权力。

In effect, she’s willing to swallow their antisemitism because their victories would give Dems more power.

“我们必须大胜,所以那真的不重要,”她补充道,谈到他们在以色列问题上的立场。

“We have to win big, so that doesn’t really matter,” she added about their positions on Israel.

明白了。当你有选举要赢、政府要控制时,反犹主义和支持伊斯兰恐怖分子的历史都不算什么。

Got it. Antisemitism and a history of supporting Islamist terrorists are no big deal when you have an election to win and a government to control.

佩洛西在担任议长的最后几年首次跨过了这座桥梁,当时激进众议员伊尔汉·奥马尔、拉希达·特莱布、贾马尔·鲍曼和科里·布什公开表达了对以色列、警察以及任何敢于投票给唐纳德·特朗普的人的仇恨。“大帐篷主义”佩洛西并没有将他们开除教籍,甚至没有公开划清界限。相反,她欢迎他们,并热切寻求他们在其他问题上的支持。参议院民主党领袖查克·舒默同样善变。

Pelosi first crossed that bridge during her last years as speaker when radical Reps. Ilhan Omar, Rashida Talib, Jamaal Bowman and Cori Bush openly espoused their hate for Israel, police and anyone who dared to vote for Donald Trump. ‘Big tentism’Pelosi didn’t ex-communicate them or even publicly draw a line. Instead, she welcomed them and eagerly sought their support on other issues. Chuck Schumer, the Dem Senate leader, is similarly malleable.

埃尔赛德不断批评他,据《纽约邮报》报道,他在密歇根州的清真寺发表演讲并进行竞选活动,清真寺的演讲者呼吁结束犹太复国主义国家并杀害犹太人。

El-Sayed criticized him relentlessly and, as The Post reports, spoke and campaigned at Michigan mosques where speakers called for the end of the Zionist state and the death of Jews.

尽管舒默曾支持埃尔赛德的初选对手,但埃尔赛德获得提名后,他迅速加入了这场游行。

Although Schumer had endorsed El-Sayed’s primary opponent, he quickly joined the parade when El-Sayed captured the nomination.

尽管舒默——美国历史上最高级别的当选犹太官员——长期将自己描绘为以色列的守护者,但他轻率地为自己支持埃尔赛德辩护。

Despite the fact that Schumer, the highest elected Jewish official in American history, long portrayed himself as the guardian of Israel, he glibly justified his support for El-Sayed.

被问及他的转变时,他说民主党必须是“大帐篷政党”,并提倡“大帐篷主义”,因为“这是建立多数派的方式”。这种态度显然也延伸到了哈桑·派克,他是埃尔·赛德憎恨美国的朋友,也是Twitch主播。

Asked about his conversion, he said Dems must be “a big tent party,” and advocated “big tentism” because “it’s how you build a majority.”That attitude apparently extends to Hasan Piker, El-Sayed’s America-hating buddy and Twitch streamer.

他甚至不喜欢他朋友的竞选工作人员在密歇根州犹太人聚居的社区挨户拉票。“这肯定是有史以来最疯狂的挨户拉票行动,”派克说。

He doesn’t even like his friend’s campaign workers trying to drum up support in heavily Jewish Michigan neighborhoods. “This has got to be the wildest door-knocking operation of all time,” Piker said.

“试图让这个国家或许最亲犹太复国主义的选区,好吧,不是最亲犹太复国主义的,但也是其中一个较为亲犹太复国主义的富裕选区,去投票支持一位反犹太复国主义的穆斯林。勇敢的士兵,他们都是。”

“Trying to get perhaps the most Zionist district in the country, well, not the most, but one of the more Zionist wealthy districts in the country to vote for a Muslim anti-Zionist. Brave soldiers, all of them.”

他还称这相当于“让一名黑人候选人去三K党社区,竞选废除禁止跨种族婚姻的法律”。多么迷人啊。纽约州州长卡西·霍赫尔展示了野心腐蚀性影响的另一个例子。

He also called it the “equivalent of going to that Klan KKK neighborhood for a black candidate who’s running to abolish anti-miscegenation laws.”How charming. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul illustrates another example of the corrupting influence of ambition.

多年前,霍赫尔是一位偏保守的上州官员,而她的政党正在向左转。

Years ago, Hochul was a conservative-leaning upstate official as her party swung left.

这些资历促使州长安德鲁·库莫在2014年和2018年将她选为自己的竞选搭档,当时他希望从右翼获得提振。

Those credentials led Gov. Andrew Cuomo to make her his running mate in 2014 and 2018, when he wanted a boost from the right.

2021年库莫被迫辞职后,她接任了州长,并在2022年赢得了自己的任期。

She succeeded him when he was forced to resign in 2021, and won her own term in 2022.

她的胜利是一场惊心动魄的胜负之争,她似乎得出结论,中间路线没有未来,因为大部分政党都跟随了反特朗普的左倾转向。

Her victory was a nail-biter, and she seemingly concluded there was no future in moderation as most of the party followed the left-ward anti-Trump lurch.

机会主义 秉承坦慕尼协会老板乔治·华盛顿·普朗基特一个世纪前所说的“我看到了机会,就抓住了机会”的精神,霍赫尔看清了风向,加入了队伍。她的野心在一个机会主义的时刻达到了顶峰。

Opportunistic Capturing the spirit of Tammany Hall boss George Washington Plunkitt, who said a century ago that “I seen my opportunities and I took ’em,” Hochul saw which way the wind was blowing and joined the parade. Her ambition spiked at an opportunistic time.

去年,马姆达尼的社交媒体技巧使他成为新一代左翼选民的领路人,从而赢得了胜利。许多民主党官员都回避了他,但霍赫尔支持了他。他就职后,她扮演了他“大姐姐”和强大合作者的角色。

Last year, Mamdani’s social media skills propelled him to victory as the Pied Piper of a new generation of leftist voters. Many Dem officials shunned him, but Hochul endorsed him. When he took office, she took on the role of his Big Sister and powerful collaborator.

她资助了他那些古怪的花钱和增税想法,而他则在她竞选活动的最后阶段回应,成了她的副手。

She funded his crackpot spending and taxing ideas, and he is responding by becoming her sidekick in the closing days of her campaign.

如果民调属实,她将在周二击败共和党挑战者布鲁斯·布莱克曼,这将再次体现该党向左转,因为建制派民主党缺乏抵制激进派的胆量。

If the polls are right that she will defeat GOP challenger Bruce Blakeman on Tuesday, it will mark another example of the party moving left because establishment Dems lack the stomach to resist the radicals.

霍赫尔原本对增税和增加开支的任何顾虑,都为了换取马姆达尼的支持而荡然无存。她用数十亿纳税人的钱买下了他的支持,并放弃了自己的信念。她和舒默或佩洛西并无太大区别。他们都为了与魔鬼做交易,出卖了自己所谓的原则。

Any objection Hochul had to raising taxes and spending collapsed in exchange for Mamdani’s support. She bought his backing with billions of taxpayer money and by surrendering her beliefs. She’s not much different from Schumer or Pelosi. They all sold out their supposed principles to make deals with the devil.

霍赫尔不像他们那样擅长幕后操作,只是更公开地这么做了,并且标价清晰、立竿见影。那个下地狱的特殊地方正变得拥挤起来。

Hochul, lacking their backroom skills, just did it more openly and with a clear and immediate price tag. That special place in hell is getting crowded.

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