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美国即将见识民主党左翼已变得多么极端America is about to discover how extreme the Democrat Left has become

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在美国,很少有城市能像总统特朗普居住的这座城市那样,被说成是更讨厌他的。在华盛顿特区的任何一个工作日穿行,你都不可避免地会遇到高喊口号的人群、对着国民警卫队辱骂的人,以及对着一名举着“去他妈的移民及海关执法局!”标语牌的男子鸣笛示威的汽车。这一次,这座城市似乎真正代表了全国大多数人的观点。

There are few cities in America that could be said to dislike President Trump more than the one he resides in. Walking through Washington DC on any weekday will inevitably confront you with chanted slogans, slurs shouted at national guardsmen, and cars honking their horns to a man wearing a “F--- ICE!” placard. For once, the city actually seems to represent the views of the nation at large.

预测选举是愚人的游戏(只问问主要民调机构便知,它们在特朗普时代跌跌撞撞,声誉受损),但毫无疑问,周二将是共和党极其痛苦的一天。我与行政幕僚交谈过,他们已接受周二将是一场“惨败”。失去众议院控制权是一回事,但若连参议院也一并失守——让总统在面对伊朗战争与人工智能崛起这双重挑战时沦为跛脚鸭——将标志着我们所熟知的特朗普时代终结。

Predicting elections is a fool’s game (just ask the major pollsters, who’ve limped through the Trump era with their reputations damaged), but there is no doubt that Tuesday will be an immensely painful day for the Republican Party. I spoke to admin staffers who had already accepted that Tuesday will be a “bloodbath”. Losing control of the House is one thing, but to lose the Senate too – leaving the president a lame duck in the face of the twin challenges of the war in Iran and the rise of AI – would mark the end of the Trump era as we know it.

如此多的关注聚焦于共和党过去一年的管理失误,以至于即将获胜的一方鲜少受到关注。这是一个奇怪的疏忽。如果中期选举演变成一场“蓝色海啸”,民主党候选人乘势入主、甚至在2024年特朗普领先12个百分点的州也赢得席位,该党将几乎完全掌控联邦政府。

So much attention has been paid to the GOP’s mismanagement of the past year that the soon-to-be victorious party has received little to none. It’s a strange oversight. If the midterms turn out to be a blue tsunami, with Dem candidates riding a wave into office even in states that went 12 points for Trump in 2024, the party will have almost total control over the federal government.

我们可以推测他们的当务之急将是什么。特朗普的国内议程将夭折。对伊朗的军事行动能被、也将被阻挠;关于弹劾国防部长皮特·赫格塞斯的计划,传闻已四起。即将由民主党人掌管的委员会,将就兼职从事加密货币欺诈者滥用公职权力的种种恶行,有大量问题需要追问。

We can guess what their immediate priorities will be. Donald’s domestic agenda dies. Military action in Iran can and will be disrupted; there are already rumours swirling about plans to impeach Pete Hegseth, the defence secretary. Committees that will soon be headed by Democrats will have plenty of questions to ask about the flagrant abuses of offices of state by moonlighting crypto grifters.

温和派能否因“成年人”重返决策圈而松一口气?民主党如今究竟信奉什么?只需看看全国各地初选谁获胜便知。公开自称社会主义者的人如今成了候选人,且大有获胜希望。密歇根州的阿卜杜勒·埃尔-赛义德是最高调的进步派参选人,但绝非孤例:威廉·劳伦斯、萨姆·福斯塔格、曼尼·鲁蒂内尔、兰迪·维莱加斯,仅举几例。

Can moderates breathe a sigh of relief at the thought that the “grown-ups” are back in the room? What do the Democrats really believe in now? Well, look at who won primaries up and down the country. Out-and-proud socialists are now candidates, and candidates with a good shot at winning. Abdul El-Sayed of Michigan is the highest profile progressive running, but there are many others: William Lawrence, Sam Forstag, Manny Rutinel, Randy Villegas, to name a few.

他们利用的正是中期选举将变成一场“负担能力公投”这一契机,这对社会主义激进派而言是一份大礼,让他们能把自己包装成唯一能压低成本的人选。经济民粹主义广受欢迎。温和派也纷纷跟进:巴拉克·奥巴马上周在底特律为埃尔-赛义德造势时,为这一战略方向背书。

They’re capitalising on the fact that the midterms will be an affordability referendum, a gift to socialist radicals who can present themselves as the only people able to bring costs back down. Economic populism is popular. Moderates are jumping on board: Barack Obama gave his blessing for this strategic direction when he spoke at an El-Sayed rally last week in Detroit.

指望民主党成为理性之声的人将大失所望。事实上,选民若此时奖励民主党控制立法机构,实属最坏时机。在许多实质性议题上——国家债务、官僚体系政治化、坚持身份政治至上——他们将延续特朗普政府最极端的弊端。

Those hoping that the Democrats will be a voice of reason are sorely mistaken. Indeed, this is the worst time for the party to be rewarded by voters with control over the legislature. On many issues of substance – the national debt, politicisation of the bureaucracy, insistence on the primacy of identity politics – they will keep the worst excesses of the Trump administration alive.

而且他们自己还有一堆坏主意要添上去。以移民改革为例。十年前,一位名叫肖恩·麦克尔维的进步派政客开始推广“废除ICE”口号。ICE是一个相对较新的机构,由小布什在“9·11”袭击后创立,旨在更好地监控并驱逐企图入境的外国威胁。

And they have plenty of bad ideas of their own to add to the pile. Take immigration reform. A decade ago, a progressive politico by the name of Sean McElwee began promoting the slogan “Abolish Ice”. Ice is a relatively new agency founded by George W Bush to in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, to better monitor and remove foreign threats attempting to enter the US.

它并非一个党派机构。事实上,最依赖其职能的总统是贝拉克·奥巴马,他在任八年间推行了一场大规模驱逐行动。但党内的进步派力量并不热衷于严格的边境管理。伯尼·桑德斯那场渺茫的竞选活动激发了麦克尔维等人,让他们开始相信,通往权力的路径不在于向中间靠拢,而在于在左翼立场上加倍下注。

It was not a partisan agency. Indeed, the president who leaned most on its capabilities was Barack Obama, who carried out a campaign of mass deportation during his eight years in office. But progressive elements of the party have no love for strict border management. The long-shot campaign of Bernie Sanders galvanised figures like McElwee who began to believe that the route to power lay not in tacking to the centre, but doubling down on the Left.

边境是种族主义的。为什么不直接废除它们?为什么不直接废除移民与海关执法局(ICE)?这种逻辑让党内的老将们感到极其痛苦。废除 ICE 将是一项疯狂的尝试,在俄勒冈州波特兰市以外的任何地方都极不受欢迎。他们将继续坚持那些明智的中间派,并与那些自以为能指导他们如何执政的社会主义新秀划清界限。

Borders are racist. Why not just get rid of them? Why not just abolish Ice? This logic was excruciating for old hands in the party. Abolishing Ice would be a crazy thing to attempt, deeply unpopular everywhere outside Portland, Oregon. They would stick with the same sensible centrists and disavow the socialist upstarts who presumed to tell them how to govern.

2016 年希拉里落选后,进步派民主党人认为自己得到了证明。伯尼 2020 年的竞选惨遭失败,卡马拉落选在很大程度上是因为她尴尬地曾大谈特谈极左的大杂烩言论,这些都无关紧要。十年的失败让进步派变得更加强硬,并迫使他们变得更具战术性。

When Hillary lost in 2016 progressive Democrats believed they had been vindicated. That Bernie’s 2020 campaign crashed and burned, that Kamala lost in no small part due to her embarrassing history of spouting far-Left word salad, mattered not. A decade of failure hardened progressives and forced them to be tactical.

看看左翼今天是如何熟练地运用身份政治的。埃尔-赛义德此前曾支持未成年人进行性别过渡。他主张废除 ICE。但在其支持者打造的广告中,选民看到的却是一幅截然不同的优先事项图景。

Look at how deftly identity politics is handled by the Left today. El-Sayed has previously supported gender transitions for minors. He wants to abolish Ice. But in s created by his backers, voters are served up a different picture of his priorities.

其中一则广告呈现了一对伴侣在商店抱怨杂货价格高昂,女子告诉伴侣他们需要把一盒鸡蛋放回货架上,因为“我们得把那 7 美元留着用来杀害巴勒斯坦人”。广告以一句带有讽刺意味的呼应 2024 年特朗普广告的台词结尾:“迈克·罗杰斯支持他们/她们。阿卜杜勒·埃尔-赛义德支持你。” 美国对以色列加沙战争的军事援助被明确归咎为杂货价格高企的原因,将一个左翼热门议题直接与可负担性问题挂钩。

One featured a couple complaining about the cost of groceries in the store, where the woman tells her partner they need to return a carton of eggs to the shelf because “we have to set that $7 aside for killing Palestinians”. It ends with a tongue-in-cheek call-back to a 2024 Trump advert: “Mike Rogers is for they/them. Abdul El-Sayed is for you.”American military aid for Israel’s war in Gaza is explicitly blamed for the high cost of groceries, linking a Left-wing cause célèbre directly to the affordability issue.

El-Sayed的参议院竞选堪称典范,将纽约市市长Mamdani的竞选策略成功移植到了像密歇根州这样的紫州。其他人也在效仿。几位隶属于美国民主社会主义者组织(DSA)的候选人——该组织全国成员现约13万,但影响力远超其规模——正采用相同战术,大谈财富税和租金管制,同时在以色列问题之外避谈文化战争议题。

El-Sayed’s Senate race has been a masterclass in translating the campaigning strategy of New York City mayor Mamdani for a purple state like Michigan. Others are copying. Several candidates affiliated with the Democratic Socialists of America – now hovering around 130,000 members nationally, but with an outsized influence – are running on the same tactics, talking up wealth taxes and rent control and refraining from culture war issues beyond Israel.

如果El-Sayed及其同路人下周获胜,中间派民主党建制派的残余控制力将进一步松动。2028年总统候选人的提名将向社会主义派系倾斜,后者届时终于能界定哪些立场是“能赢的”。如果经济民粹主义奏效,为何不复兴整个进步派纲领?

If El-Sayed and his fellow travellers win next week, what remains of the centrist Democratic party establishment will loosen its grip. The selection of a presidential candidate for 2028 will tip towards the socialist faction, who at long last will be able to define which positions are “winnable”. And if economic populism works, why not revive the whole progressive platform?

这一战略自有其必然逻辑。遗憾的是,对民主党而言,它注定失败。将选民对伊朗战争的厌恶和对物价上涨的不满,误读为美国选民承诺支持DSA的政策议程,这是一个严重错误。中期选举的成功可能成为民主党的诅咒——却是共和党的意外之福。

There is an inexorable logic to this strategy. Unfortunately for the Democrats, it’s doomed. Confusing a dislike of the Iran war and frustration over prices for a commitment on the part of American voters to the DSA’s policy slate is a serious error. Success in the midterms could be a curse for the Democrats – and a blessing in disguise for the GOP.

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