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斯蒂芬·米勒升职表明特朗普准备在残酷路线上加码——除非民主党先发制人Stephen Miller’s promotion suggests Trump is ready to double down on cruelty — unless Democrats move first

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时任白宫副幕僚长斯蒂芬·米勒于2026年7月13日在白宫外与记者交谈。Then-White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller speaks with reporters outside the White House on July 13, 2026.

共和党在中期选举中惨败后,唐纳德·特朗普总统起初释放出和解信号。但周五,美国人得知,政府残酷大规模驱逐政策的设计师斯蒂芬·米勒将出任白宫幕僚长。召回米勒让政府采取了更具对抗性的立场。

Following the Republican Party’s defenestration in the midterm elections, President Donald Trump initially made conciliatory noises. But on Friday, Americans learned that Stephen Miller — the architect of the administration’s brutal mass deportations — will become White House chief of staff. Summoning Miller shifts the administration into an even more antagonistic stance.

考虑到米勒在从疫苗接种到外国人“入侵”等问题上的煽动性言论,他似乎非常适应这一职位。这一人选也表明白宫正进一步脱离现实。周五在马阿拉歌庄园,米勒宣称特朗普让共和党“比以往任何时候都更强大、更受欢迎、更有韧性”。十年来,米勒一直推动特朗普的移民议程,对民主造成了惊人的破坏。虽然他的新职位可能仅在名义上增加了他长期行使的权力,但这依然凸显了政府愿在残酷且无视法律的拘押问题上加倍下注。因此,现在比以往任何时候都更需要国会拆除国土安全部。

Given Miller’s demagoguery about everything from vaccinations to “invasion” by foreigners, he appears to feel very much at home in that position. The choice also suggests that the White House is growing even more detached from reality. On Friday at Mar-a-Lago, Miller said that Trump has made the Republican Party “stronger, more popular, and more resilient than ever before.”Driving Trump’s immigration agenda for a decade now, Miller has done staggering damage to democracy. While his new position may add only nominally to the authority he’s long exercised, it nonetheless emphasizes the administration’s willingness to double down on cruel and lawless detention. That’s why now, more than ever, Congress must dismantle the Department of Homeland Security.

将移民与海关执法局的拘押体系称为集中营体系,可能会让不了解相关历史的人感到惊讶。但正如我之前为《MS NOW》撰文所述,我们目前的体系完全符合我在关于集中营全球历史的著作中记录的模式:基于身份对平民进行大规模拘押,且不经正当法律程序。国土安全部人员殴打并射杀公民、非公民、男性、女性甚至青少年——往往无需承担责任——就在美国街头。

Labeling Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s detention apparatus a concentration camp system might surprise those who don’t know the history involved. But as I’ve written before for MS NOW, our current system fits cleanly in the model I documented in my book on the global history of concentration camps: mass detention of civilians without due process on the basis of their identity. DHS personnel have beaten and shot citizens, noncitizens, men, women and even teens — often without accountability — on our streets.

一些在任立法者以简单的改革为目标。但达豪集中营的答案不是给看守提供更好的培训。

Some sitting legislators have espoused simple reforms as their goal. But the answer to Dachau was not better training for the guards.

国土安全部无法改革。营地式官僚机构不会自行缩减或消失。若任由其滋长,往往会随时间变得更加致命——纳粹德国的死亡集中营是最骇人听闻的例证,苏联古拉格和朝鲜也存在类似情况。

DHS cannot be reformed. Camp bureaucracies don’t shrink or vanish on their own. Ones left to fester frequently grow more lethal over time — seen most horrifically in the death camps of Nazi Germany, but also in other settings, from the Soviet Gulag to North Korea.

美国历史本身揭示了如果不主动拆解国土安全部将陷入的陷阱。二战期间,美国的集中营系统关押了超过12万名日裔美国人——绝大多数是公民。那段拘禁史如今被公认为该国历史上最受关注的耻辱时刻之一。然而,鲜为人知的是战后发生的事。

American history itself reveals the trap set if DHS isn’t actively dismembered. During World War II, the U.S. concentration camp system held more than 120,000 Japanese Americans — the vast majority of them citizens. That period of detention is now rightfully recognized as one of the most-discussed shameful moments in the country’s history. Yet few know what happened afterward.

战争结束并未彻底否决未经审判关押平民的做法。相反,国会于1950年通过了《麦卡伦内部安全法》,授权总统宣布国家紧急状态,并拘禁任何被认定为威胁的人。

Locking up civilians without trial was not entirely repudiated at the end of the war. Instead, Congress passed the McCarran Internal Security Act in 1950, giving the president the power to declare a national emergency and confine anyone deemed a threat.

一些参与建立二战日裔集中营系统的人参与了该法案的起草,并提出了他们自以为的保障措施。他们设计的不是基于种族的打击体系,而是基于被认定的忠诚度来拘禁人员。

Some of those involved with imposing the Japanese American camp system during the war had a hand in writing the act, recommending what they imagined as safeguards. Instead of targeting based on race, they designed a system to detain people based on their perceived loyalties.

并非所有人都对宪法问题视而不见。杜鲁门总统——绝非激进分子——否决了该立法。他说:“该法案提议的做法将使《权利法案》和我们自称捍卫世界自由的主张成为笑柄。”然而,国会在红色恐慌的狂热驱使下,推翻总统否决通过了该法案。

Not everyone was blind to the constitutional issues. President Harry Truman, hardly a radical, vetoed the legislation. “The course proposed by this bill,” he said, “would make a mockery of the Bill of Rights and of our claims to stand for freedom in the world.”Yet Congress, bowing to Red Scare paranoia, passed the act over Truman’s veto.

据乔治城大学法学中心的戴维·科尔记载,两年后,国会拨款在亚利桑那州、加利福尼亚州、佛罗里达州、俄克拉荷马州和宾夕法尼亚州建设了六座营地,用于关押疑似持不同政见者。联邦调查局以该立法为借口扩大监控范围,建立了一份“安全索引”,列入数万名可随总统酌情随时抓捕拘禁的人员,最终连马丁·路德·金也被列入其中。

Two years later, according to David Cole of the Georgetown University Law Center, Congress funded six camps to hold suspected dissidents in Arizona, California, Florida, Oklahoma and Pennsylvania. The FBI used the legislation as an excuse to spy more extensively, maintaining a “Security Index” of tens of thousands of people to be rounded up and held at the president’s discretion, eventually including Martin Luther King Jr. on it.

部分归因于公众对扩大公民权利的不懈要求,这些集中营从未被启用。1971年,在日裔美国人的大力游说下,国会通过了《非拘留法案》,废除了总统任意填满集中营的权力。

Due in part to relentless public demand for expanded civil rights, the camps were never used. In 1971, after significant lobbying by Japanese Americans, Congress passed the Non-Detention Act, invalidating presidential authority to arbitrarily fill concentration camps.

特朗普和米勒通过另一条路径将我们带回了同一个境地——我们又回到了以种族和族裔标准作为拘留主要决定因素的时代。如今的国土安全部集中营体系不再是1950年代和60年代那个潜在的体系。它是一个庞大且不断扩张的网络,拥有近乎无限的资金,关押着大量被拘留者,由狂热的意识形态信奉者米勒掌管,且似乎充斥着猖獗的腐败。

Trump and Miller have brought us back to the same place via another path — and we’ve returned to racial and ethnic criteria as the primary determinants of detention. Today’s DHS camp system is no longer the latent one of the 1950s and 60s. It is a vast and growing network with nearly unlimited funding, filled with detainees, run by a rabid ideologue in Miller, and seemingly shot through with rampant corruption.

自特朗普重返白宫以来,为移民与海关执法局(ICE)和边境巡逻队拨款的2400亿美元,已将一个危险的机构变成了大规模恐怖的工具。无论移民政策曾经可能包含的任何一丝逻辑,如今对于国土安全部已演变成何种样子或其正在执行的使命,已不再有任何合理的理论支撑。

The $240 billion allocated for ICE and Border Patrol since Trump’s return to office has transformed a dangerous agency into a tool of mass terror. Whatever wisp of logic might once have been part of immigration policy, there is no longer any rational theory behind what DHS has become or the mission it’s carrying out.

历史遗产似乎成了白宫近来的执念。米勒周五表示,特朗普“将共和党从历史的垃圾堆中拯救了出来”。但当特朗普痴迷于金箔、舞厅和他的拱门时,米勒正在致力于一个影响更深远的遗产:一个集中营网络、对正当程序的剥夺,以及他那美版古拉格的扩张。

Historical legacies seem to be a preoccupation at the White House these days. Miller said Friday that Trump had “saved the Republican party from the ash heap of history.”But while Trump fixates on gold leaf, ballrooms and his arch, Miller is working on a more consequential legacy: a network of concentration camps, denial of due process and the expansion of his American gulag.

随着周二的选举和米勒的崛起,我们正处于十字路口。民主党人可以承担起民主与人权的责任,为拆解国土安全部奠定基础。或者,他们可以推动一些改革,进一步巩固该机构掌握在一个报复心极强的幕僚长手中的局面,后者拥有权力和资源,在未来两年内让事态呈指数级恶化。如果他们选择后者,民主党人将冒着风险:这个腐败、致命且不人道的系统将在特朗普和米勒离去很久之后,继续腐蚀国家的灵魂。

With Tuesday’s elections and Miller’s ascent, we sit at a crossroads. The Democrats can take up the responsibilities of democracy and human rights and lay the groundwork to dismantle DHS. Or they can push for a few reforms, further entrenching the agency in the hands of a vindictive chief of staff with the authority and resources to make it exponentially worse in the next two years. Should they take the latter course, Democrats run the risk that this corrupt, lethal and inhumane system will continue to rot the nation’s soul long after Trump and Miller are gone.

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