美国人民已通过投票箱表达了他们的意愿。他们否定了对伊朗的战争以及其他错误政策，并明确表示，他们希望领导人能够理解并解决最重要的问题，同时以人的尊严和公平对待美国同胞。他们寻求有品格和正直的领导人，拒绝屈尊于散布恐惧和嘲讽，就像已故参议员约翰·麦凯恩（共和党-亚利桑那州）那样。2008年，当一名支持者试图抹黑他的白宫竞选对手、时任参议员巴拉克·奥巴马（民主党-伊利诺伊州）时，麦凯恩在一场公开市政厅活动中予以了著名的反驳。
The American people have spoken through the ballot box. They have repudiated the war on Iran and other misguided policies and made clear they want leaders who understand and tackle the most important problems while treating their fellow Americans with human dignity and fairness. They seek leaders with character and integrity, who refuse to stoop to fear-mongering and derision, leaders like the late Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) who famously pushed back at a public town hall in 2008 when a supporter attempted to smear his White House opponent, then-Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.).
美国选民选择了他们认为理解工薪家庭所面临挑战、并拥有应对这些挑战的经验和决心的候选人。他们投票支持回归这样一个美国：工薪阶层和中产阶级的诉求决定政治，而不是少数与政界有联系的亿万富翁所掌握的金钱和权力。最终，无论有意与否，他们投票支持一个将以两党合作方式运作、凝聚共识并通过明智立法的政府。
American voters picked candidates who they felt understood the challenges facing working families and have the experience and determination to address them. They voted for a return to an America where the demands of the working and middle class dictate politics, not the money and power wielded by a handful of politically connected billionaires. Ultimately, consciously or not, they voted for a government that will work in a bipartisan fashion to forge consensus and pass smart legislation.
国会现在有机会积极投入两党合作解决问题，制定两党一致的外交和国内政策，以应对经济和财政压力。国会必须处理总统在关税问题上的越权行为，并采取其他措施更好地管理经济、回应选民的不满。与此同时，国会必须授权并为国防和外交政策提供资金，以使美国远离战争——通过加强我们的国防威慑、强化安全联盟和对外伙伴关系、利用技术和美国的创新能力。
Congress now has an opportunity to lean into bipartisan problem-solving, to enact bipartisan foreign and domestic policies to address economic and fiscal pressures. Congress must address the president’s overreach on tariffs and take other steps to better manage the economy and address voter grievances. At the same time, Congress must authorize and fund a defense and foreign policy to keep America out of war — by boosting our defense deterrence, strengthening security alliances and foreign partnerships, harnessing technology and American innovation.
强大的国防将促进美国的经济利益，反之亦然。尽管如此，仍会有制约。要在预算纪律与必要支出之间取得平衡，将需要明智而勇敢的领导。
A strong defense will advance U.S. economic interests and vice versa. Nonetheless, there will be constraints. To balance budget discipline with necessary spending will require smart, courageous leadership.
将近十五年来，我们的组织定期召集两党国会议员、内阁官员、外国元首、首席执行官、政治异见人士及其他全球领导人，共同探讨棘手的国家和国际安全问题。他们审议的议题包括技术对现代战争的影响、如何应对中国在非洲和拉丁美洲的活动以及俄罗斯帝国主义和残暴的外交政策、如何加强安全联盟，以及如何支持委内瑞拉和全世界为人权和民主而奋斗的领导人。
For almost a decade and a half, our organization has regularly convened members of Congress from both parties, Cabinet officials, foreign heads of state, CEOs, political dissidents and other global leaders to address difficult national and international security issues. They examine issues such as the impact of technology on modern warfare, how to counter Chinese activities in Africa and Latin America and Russia’s imperial and brutal foreign policy, how to strengthen our security alliances and how to support leaders in Venezuela and around the world who are fighting for human rights and democracy.
在我们的旗舰活动塞多纳论坛及其他场合，我们突出并支持勇敢领导人的行动，并将他们彼此联系起来。随着今年结束、迈入2027年，我们将发挥两党合作的优势，举办大小各异的聚会，帮助国会议员和其他政策制定者推进一项支持美国在全球积极参与、以推进美国利益和价值观的议程。我们必须与公共和私营部门的利益相关方合作，确保人工智能的塑造和利用符合我们的民主价值观——自由、透明——并使美国保持安全和领先地位，尤其是在面对中国和其他对手时。
At our signature Sedona Forum and beyond, we highlight and supports the actions of courageous leaders and connects them with one another. As we finish this year and move into 2027, we will lean into our bipartisanship and convene small and large gatherings to help members of Congress and other policymakers advance an agenda that supports robust U.S. engagement around the world to advance our interests and values. We must work with public and private stakeholders to ensure that AI is shaped and utilized in a way that conforms with our democratic values — freedom, transparency — and keeps America secure and in the lead, particularly against China and other adversaries.
我们必须改革常规威慑，使其成为更具灵活性的高科技与低科技、高密度与低密度资产的组合，并维护战略核威慑，同时保持警惕，寻求谈判达成可核查的军控协议。我们必须鼓励盟友提升国防能力，并与他们合作，加强盟友和乌克兰的工业协同效应，保障供应链安全，最终巩固集体防御。在国会鸭子会议期间，国会应立即采取的步骤包括重申其在关税和制裁政策方面的作用，特别是在制裁方面，涉及俄罗斯的问题。
We must revamp our conventional deterrence to be a more agile mix of high and low technology and density assets and maintain our strategic nuclear deterrence, even while we remain alert to opportunities to negotiate verifiable arms control. We must encourage our allies as they increase their defense capabilities, and we must cooperate to bolster allied, and Ukrainian, industrial synergies, secure supply chains and ultimately fortify our collective defense. Immediate next steps for Congress during the lame duck session should include reasserting its role on tariff and sanctions policy, specifically in the latter case, with regard to Russia.
国会应要求执行法律，首先从以已故参议员林赛·格雷厄姆（共和党-南卡罗来纳州）命名的制裁法案开始。该法案要求政府提供书面理由，以证明白宫最近宣布的豁免是合理的，目的是从莫斯科购买柴油。国会必须要求提供这一理由，并在立法上或至少在声明上予以否定。即便只是声明，也会增加任何考虑卸货和分销这种比喻上沾满血迹的燃料的港口或商业实体所面临的法律不确定性。
Congress should demand laws be enforced, starting with the sanctions bill named after the late Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.). The law requires the administration to provide written justification for the waiver the White House recently declared in order to purchase diesel from Moscow. Congress must demand this and then repudiate it declaratively, if not legislatively. Even the declaration will add to the legal uncertainties for any port or business entities considering offloading and distributing this figuratively blood-soaked fuel.
我们的国家安全显然要求迅速而持久地结束俄罗斯的侵略战争，以恢复欧洲及其他地区的安全和国际法，阻止中国在南海或对台湾采取进一步的侵略行动，并恢复美国的国防储备。做到这一点的唯一方法是，限制俄罗斯获取资本、技术和军事硬件以供其战争的渠道。过去四年中，俄罗斯对欧洲领土的升级攻击使美国利益面临的风险不断增加，最近达到高潮：两艘船只在保加利亚海岸被俄罗斯击沉，武装无人机飞往德国莱比锡的一座机场。
Our national security clearly demands the swiftest, durable end to Russia’s war of aggression in order to restore security and international law in Europe and beyond, deter China from further aggressive action in the South China Sea or against Taiwan, and restore U.S. defense stockpiles. The only way to do this is to squeeze Russia’s access to capital, technology and hardware to supply its war effort. The risks to U.S. interests have grown with the escalatory Russian attacks on European territory over the last four years — culminating recently in two ships being sunk by Russia off the coast of Bulgaria and armed drones flying to an airport in Leipzig, Germany.
这些恐怖行为危险，可能导致俄罗斯与北约之间发生军事冲突。为了阻止俄罗斯继续升级，我们必须与盟友合作，向弗拉基米尔·普京施压，让他认识到必须谈判实现战争的真正结束。国会还可以开始起草关于社交媒体和人工智能的立法，以平衡保护我们的民主价值观、自由、隐私和安全，与获取优势并保持全球竞争优势的需求。
These terrorist acts are dangerous and could lead to military clashes between Russia and NATO. To stop Russia from continued escalation, we must work with our allies to pressure Vladimir Putin to realize that he must negotiate a real end to the war. Congress can also start drafting legislation on social media and AI that would balance protecting our democratic values, freedom, privacy and safety with the need to reap advantages and maintain a global competitive edge.
在国际层面，这将包括鼓励政府与中国合作，制定国际规则，以保护人类免受最坏情景的影响。
On the international front, this would include encouraging the administration to work with China on international rules that would protect humanity from the worst-case scenarios.
跛脚国会可通过将在年度国防授权法案中批准的法案和报告措辞，在1月前就制裁等已有共识的问题迅速表明立场。国会现在有机会展现品格、勇气和两党领导力，从麦凯恩的职业生涯中汲取灵感。毕竟，正是在国会担任政治家期间，麦凯恩首次因其以品格为导向的领导力而享誉全球。而就在18年前的本周，他在总统候选人落选时宣称：“美国人从不放弃。我们从不投降。我们从不回避历史。我们创造历史。”
The lame-duck Congress can quickly assert its intent on sanctions and other issues where there is already consensus through bill and report language it will approve before January as part of the annual defense authorization bill. Congress has the opportunity now to demonstrate character, courage and bipartisan leadership, drawing inspiration from the McCain's career. After all, it was during his time as a statesman in Congress that McCain first developed his global reputation for character-driven leadership. And it was in his defeat as a presidential candidate 18 years ago this week that he declared: “Americans never quit. We never surrender. We never hide from history. We make history.”
选举只是下一阶段历史的开始——这一阶段可以而且必须以新一轮两党合作为标志。伊芙琳·N·法尔卡斯博士是麦凯恩研究所执行主任，曾任国防部副助理部长。
The elections are just the beginning of this next phase of history — which can and must be marked by a new burst of bipartisanship. Evelyn N. Farkas, Ph.D., is executive director of the McCain Institute and former deputy assistant secretary of Defense.