字号·· | 护眼
semafor

进步派挑战民主党领导层,却面临自身影响力有限的现实Progressives confront their limited leverage as they take on Democratic leaders

点「原文对照」整页切到原文,或双击某段只看那段的原文。

埃里克·李/路透社Eric Lee/Reuters

据科宾·特伦特估计,他每天花15个小时在一项事业上,自从民主党在众议院和参议院赢得巨大多数席位以来,这项事业就一直激励着左翼:敦促他们罢免自己的领导人。

By Corbin Trent’s estimate, he’s spending 15 hours a day on a cause that has animated the left ever since Democrats won huge majorities in the House and Senate: urging them to dump their leaders.

特伦特是众议员亚历山德里娅·奥卡西奥-科尔特斯的前发言人,在其旨在罢免参议院少数党领袖查克·舒默和众议院少数党领袖哈基姆·杰弗里斯的长期斗争中,他有一些知名盟友。他们包括演员马克·鲁法洛、奥卡西奥-科尔特斯的前幕僚长赛卡特·查克拉巴蒂,以及无数进步派网红。

Trent, a former spokesman for Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, has some well-known allies in his long-shot campaign to oust Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries. They include actor Mark Ruffalo, former Ocasio-Cortez chief of staff Saikat Chakrabarti, and countless progressive influencers.

但他们不包括奥卡西奥-科尔特斯,她周二强调,她支持杰弗里斯。即使特伦特也承认,成千上万的在线进步派所要求的——拒绝刚刚主持民主党大胜的领导人——不太可能发生。

But they don’t include Ocasio-Cortez, who underscored on Tuesday that she’s backing Jeffries. Even Trent acknowledged that what legions of online progressives are asking for — the rejection of leaders who just presided over Democratic landslides — is unlikely to happen.

“我估计舒默大约有10%的可能性,杰弗里斯大约有3%的可能性,”特伦特告诉《塞马弗》。“重要的是,而且非常重要,要让选民清楚地知道,选民要求的是别的东西。这被拒绝给他们了。如果你有机会击败这些人,你需要票数。”理论上,动摇领导层的票数至少触手可及。非正式的党鞭统计和走廊采访证实,几十名新当选的民主党人对挑战这两位偶尔与左翼决裂的纽约人感兴趣。但现实地说,取代杰弗里斯和舒默的战斗是为一次令人失望的选举而设计的,而不是大胜。

“I reckon it’s about a 10% chance on Schumer and a 3% chance on Jeffries,” Trent told Semafor. “What matters, and matters a lot, is making it loud and clear that voters asked for something else. That it is being denied to them. If you’ve ever got a chance to beat these folks, you need votes.”Theoretically, the votes to shake up leadership are at least within reach. Informal whip counts and hallway interviews confirm that dozens of newly elected Democrats are interested in challengers to the two New Yorkers who occasionally break from the left. But realistically, the battle to replace Jeffries and Schumer was built for a disappointing election, not a landslide.

反领导层运动面临的障碍,正在揭示一个想要挑选下一任总统提名人的进步派运动的有限影响力。舒默的批评者们没有放弃争取马里兰州参议员克里斯·范·霍伦挑战他,但没有民主党人站出来挑战杰弗里斯。

And the obstacles of the anti-leadership campaign are revealing the limited reach of a progressive movement that wants to pick the next presidential nominee. Critics of Schumer haven’t given up on enlisting Maryland Sen. Chris Van Hollen to challenge him, but no Democrat has stepped up to take on Jeffries.

即使范·霍伦发起竞选,进步派想要在下个月的闭门投票中剥夺舒默的票数,也将是一场艰巨的逆风之战。左翼击败杰弗里斯的机会更低。

Even if Van Hollen mounts a campaign, it will be a massive uphill climb for progressives to deny Schumer the votes in next month’s closed-door vote. The left’s chances of defeating Jeffries are even lower.

但通过强行提出这个问题,进步派人士希望要么创造奇迹,要么至少能让这场争论持续下去。活动人士认为,不是舒默和杰弗里斯付出了努力,才赢得了几十年来民主党最大的胜利。在民主党2024年败给特朗普后迅速崛起的进步派媒体,如今正看着领导人为他们认为是自己运动所建立的成果抢功。

But by forcing the question, progressives hope to either pull off a miracle — or at least, keep an argument going. Activists believe that they, not Schumer and Jeffries, put in the work to win the biggest Democratic victories in decades. The progressive media outlets that exploded after the party’s 2024 loss to Trump are now watching the leaders take credit for what they think their movement built.

他们的观点一致:想要“变革”并支持进步派理念的选民,只有在领导层更替,并且特朗普总统被迫否决重大进步派法案的情况下,才会保持参与。

Their message is consistent: That voters who want “change” and support progressive ideas will stay engaged only if the leadership changes and President Donald Trump is forced to veto big progressive bills.

上周的“选后Crooked Con”聚会上,对新领导人的需求弥漫在空气中。这是一场进步派活动人士、策略师、网红和播客爱好者的聚会。周六,步行前往华盛顿会议中心的与会者收到了关于阻止参议院推进的两党许可改革的传单,传单警告称,这将加速建设“移民拘留中心”。(该法案两天后推进。)每当有民主党人被问及是否要更换舒默或杰弗里斯时,会场内都会响起兴奋的低语。

At last week’s post-election Crooked Con, a gathering of progressive activists, strategists, influencers, and podcast addicts, the demand for new leaders hung in the air. Attendees walking up to the Washington Convention Center on Saturday were offered leaflets about stopping bipartisan permitting reform moving through the Senate, warning that it would speed up the building of “immigrant detention centers.” (The bill advanced two days later.) Inside, there were excited murmurs whenever a Democrat was asked about replacing Schumer or Jeffries.

在被《拯救美国》联合主持人乔恩·法夫罗追问是否会挑战舒默时,密歇根州参议员艾丽莎·斯洛特金给出了一个绕弯的回答,没有排除这一可能性——但暗示舒默可能能说服她。

Pressed by Pod Save America co-host Jon Favreau on whether she would challenge Schumer, Michigan Sen. Elissa Slotkin gave a winding answer that didn’t rule it out — but suggested that Schumer could win her over.

“听着,如果他想当多数党领袖,他对头100天的计划是什么?”她说。“他打算怎么做,才能让民主党重新振作起来?”这句话从准备加入起义的观众那里赢得了微弱的掌声。当科罗拉多州当选众议员米拉特·基罗斯表示,选民给的是“变革”的授权,而不是对现任领导层的授权时,现场更加兴奋。基罗斯在左翼最大的初选胜利之一中击败了众议员黛安娜·德盖特。

“Look, if he wants to be majority leader, what is your plan for the first 100 days?” she said. “How are you going to do things differently so that Democrats get their sh*t together?”That got muted applause from an audience ready to join an insurgency. There was much more excitement when Rep.-elect Milat Kiros of Colorado said there had been a “mandate” for change, not for current leadership; Kiros unseated Rep. Diana DeGette in one of the left’s biggest primary wins.

无论走到哪里,范·霍伦都被问及是否会挑战舒默。在与《塞马弗》的一次简短采访中,他反驳了领袖已经通过选举七到九名新民主党参议员而赢得这份工作的观点。

Everywhere he went, Van Hollen was asked if he would challenge Schumer. In a short interview with Semafor, he disputed the idea that the leader had earned the job already by electing between seven and nine new Democratic senators.

“我很高兴参议院民主党竞选委员会和参议院多数党政治行动委员会筹集了大量资金,”范·霍伦对《塞马弗》说。“我的意思是,他们的共和党对手筹集了更多资金。我认为这次选举的教训是,这是人民力量战胜了金钱。”民主党胜利的规模使整个推动变得更加棘手。

“I’m glad that the DSCC and Senate Majority PAC raised a lot of money,” Van Hollen told Semafor. “I mean, their Republican counterparts raised even more money. I think the lesson from this election was, this was people power over money.”The scale of the Democratic wins has made the entire push trickier.

“看,我们取得了美妙、美妙的结果,”劳动者家族党主席莫里斯·米切尔说。该党曾就中西部和加利福尼亚州的初选与华盛顿特区的民主党人发生冲突。“这几乎就像我贪心,想要更好的结果。但我知道,如果我们能够作为统一战线行动,有些选举本可以赢得。”现代左翼在民主党搞砸事情之后,在民主党内部处于最强大的地位。

“Look, we had a wonderful, wonderful outcome,” said Maurice Mitchell, the president of the Working Families Party, which clashed with DC Democrats over primaries in the Midwest and California. “It’s almost like it would be greedy of me to want better outcomes. But I know there were elections that could have been won if we were able to move as a united front.”The modern left is at its most powerful inside the Democratic Party after the party screws things up.

希拉里·克林顿的失败让许多民主党人,甚至他的参议院同事,相信桑德斯本可以赢得总统职位,并且他的民粹主义观点比克林顿竞选的纲领更受欢迎。卡玛拉·哈里斯的失败对桑德斯来说更具鼓舞作用,他的“反对寡头统治”集会吸引了数十万人参加。

Hillary Clinton’s defeat convinced many Democrats, even his Senate colleagues, that Sanders would have won the presidency, and his populist ideas were more popular than whatever it was she ran on. Kamala Harris’ defeat was even more empowering for Sanders, whose “Fight Oligarchy” rallies brought out hundreds of thousands of people.

胜利之后,左翼面临双重挑战。其一:舒默和杰弗里斯没有搞砸。他们不再是去年在联邦大楼外抗议、并坚称要“与特朗普抗争”的脆弱懦夫了。他们击败了他。

After victory, the left’s challenge is twofold. One: Schumer and Jeffries didn’t blow it. They are no longer the brittle wimps who were protesting outside of federal buildings last year and insisting they’d “fight” Trump. They beat him.

二:民主党人确实听取了他们的意见。去年的政府停摆之争,虽然没有以进步派想要的方式结束,但其核心是医疗保健资金——这是左翼想要关注的那种攸关生死的经济问题。本次选举民主党最终的主题是“成本、混乱与腐败”以及“为负担得起的美国而战”。目前最值得密切关注的是,崛起的进步派媒体——哈桑·派克、Drop Site、Lever、《大多数报告》以及其他网红——将如何处理这一切。左翼媒体的影响力远大于八年前,当时民主党上次召开公开总统初选。

Two: Democrats really did listen to them. Last year’s government shutdown fight, while it did not end as progressives wanted it to, was about healthcare funding — the sort of life-or-death economic issue the left wanted to focus on. The eventual Democratic themes of the election were “costs, chaos, and corruption” and “fighting for an affordable America.”What’s worth watching most closely right now is how upstart progressive media — Hasan Piker, Drop Site, Lever, Majority Report, and other influencers — approach all this. Left-leaning media has a much larger reach than it did eight years ago, when Democrats last assembled for an open presidential primary.

他们把“领导层挑战”的故事变成了现实,尽管华盛顿大多数人认为他们注定会失败。他们还没有结束。

They have willed a “leadership challenge” story into existence when most of DC thinks they’re bound to fail. They aren’t done.

真正取代刚刚获胜的领导人的挑战,已经让进步派感到压力,他们也在问自己是否在削弱自己的盟友。

The challenge of actually replacing leaders who just won is already weighing on progressives, who are already asking themselves whether they’re undercutting their own allies.

“人们正在做他们应该做的事,那就是孤注一掷。如果人们想这么做,就去挑战领导层。但如果我们做不到,就不能让这在情感上摧毁我们,”前纽约州众议员贾马尔·鲍曼周一在唐·莱蒙的节目中说道。

“People are doing what they should be doing, which is swing for the fences. Go after leadership, if that’s what people want to do. But if we don’t get that, we can’t just let it destroy us emotionally,” former New York Rep. Jamaal Bowman told Don Lemon on Monday.

或者像特伦特所说:“我认为,当民主党人惨遭失败、未能把握住时机时,这一点值得大肆宣扬。”

Or as Trent put it: “I think it’ll be a great thing to highlight when Democrats fail miserably to meet the moment.”

阅读媒体原文 ↗