ISLAMABAD/ISTANBUL -- Turkey, Pakistan, Indonesia and Qatar signed a defense agreement this week that expands the capabilities of the Mecca alliance involving Saudi Arabia, as geopolitical tensions rise in the Middle East.

The Badr pact signed among the four countries in Doha on Wednesday aims to provide the funding and military technologies to complement the Mecca alliance that comprises Turkey, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, experts said.

Middle and small powers are struggling to address their security concerns and see cooperation with allies as the way forward, said Zahid Shahab, an honorary fellow at Deakin University in Australia. These countries are also aiming to move away from a complete reliance on the U.S. for support and weapons, particularly given the unpredictability of the administration of President Donald Trump.

The countries "are not only revisiting their existing security alliances and bilateral partnerships but also exploring new ones," Shahab said. "The [Badr agreement] needs to be viewed from that perspective."

Qamar Cheema, executive director of the Sanober Institute, an Islamabad-based think tank, told Nikkei Asia that "the Mecca pact is about defense, while the Badr pact is about providing technological and industrial support to the Mecca pact, if we look at it through the lens of Pakistan, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia." That is, however, dependent on whether the Badr deal leads to concrete implementation, meaningful technology transfer and the development of joint projects. according to Hanif Rahadian, defense and military analyst at Strategic Defense Studies (Lembaga Keris) in Indonesia.

For Saudi Arabia, the need is acute. Iran-backed Houthis continued their assault on the kingdom this week, attacking Riyadh's international airport and state-controlled oil producer Saudi Aramco, resulting in the cancellation of flights, conventions and energy shipments.

A clause in the Mecca agreement, signed in August, requires collective defensive action if any member is attacked, much like NATO's Article 5. To this end, NATO member Turkey is in the process of seeking parliamentary approval to deploy military equipment and forces to Saudi Arabia to defend against Houthi strikes.

A Turkish source familiar with the content of the Badr agreement said all four countries will be involved in defense equipment production and will contribute research. In terms of funding, several analysts pointed to Qatar as possibly the go-to partner to back arms production, in exchange for quicker access to weaponry developed by Turkey.

"It is likely that Turkey could meet some of Qatar's most pressing defense requirements, as exposed during the U.S.-Iran conflict, including the provision and possible eventual joint production of low-altitude air defense systems and counter-drone technologies," said Burcu Ozcelik, senior research fellow and head of the Middle East, North Africa and Turkey Program at the Royal United Services Institute think tank in London.

She said the U.S. is seen to be slower in replenishing some stockpiles, but also pointed out that regional contracts do not add up to the value of Qatar's defense procurement deal with the U.S.

Nonetheless, the Badr pact "addresses the limitations of Western outputs in meeting the increasing demand for defensive interceptors," said Ali Bakir, a senior nonresident fellow at the Middle East Council on Global Affairs and assistant professor at Qatar University's Ibn Khaldon Center.

Turkey's low altitude air defense systems are already in use in several Gulf countries. Adding to those, it recently launched its Steel Dome aimed at eventually developing a multilayered integrated air defense umbrella at various altitudes.

For Indonesia, the largest Muslim country, the agreement provides an opportunity to deepen defense cooperation with Ankara and Islamabad after it became the first international customer of the Turkish-produced KAAN fighter jet. Jakarta also has a deal to buy missiles, drones, tanks and frigates from Turkey.

But Badr pact partners must treat Indonesia not just as an end-user but an equal for it to be meaningful for its industry, said Rahadian. The pact must also match the capabilities and readiness of domestic manufacturers, including state-owned enterprises and private companies.

"It is crucial to ensure that Indonesia's involvement does not stop at simple assembly or the production of basic components," he said, adding that participation should progressively strengthen technical skills, technological expertise and domestic engineering capacity.

For Pakistan, a nuclear power with an army larger than Turkey's at over 660,000 people, being a partner in both agreements helps to project its image as a leader in the Muslim world.

"We have recently seen this through its membership in the Board of Peace, bilateral defense agreements with Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, mediation between the United States and Iran, trilateral agreements, and now a quadrilateral defense pact," Shahab said.

A Pakistani official reflected that Pakistan's armed forces and its military capabilities are "in high demand from Gulf countries." The official added: "Our Gulf allies have always come to our help during times of crisis. Pakistan will go to all possible extents, within its means, to help defend its Gulf allies. Even if it results in joining multiple military alliances." There is a chance that the two pacts could merge into one big cooperation agreement later on, some analysts said.

Adnan Aamir is a contributing writer. Additional reporting by Ismi Damayanti.