During his recent visit to India, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk seemingly went out of his way to ingratiate himself to Narendra Modi, describing the Indian leader as a "beacon of hope" in the times of global uncertainty and instability.

One of the issues the two prime ministers discussed was the war in Ukraine, a country bordering Poland which Warsaw supports diplomatically and militarily against Russia.

"We will support all efforts aimed at achieving peace," Modi said during the joint press briefing.

Previous reports indicated India had formulated a plan to halt strikes on energy infrastructure between Russia and Ukraine and protect ships transporting grain and fuel. Before traveling to New Delhi, Tusk had also indicated that India "could play a constructive role" regarding the war, saying that this aspect was "very important" to him.

While no concrete steps were announced during his trip, many in Europe still hope India can use its friendship with Russia to boost peace talks.

Analysts warn, however, that New Delhi's access to the Kremlin does not automatically grant it sway over Russian President Vladimir Putin and his decisions.

India is unlikely to sacrifice its own interests at Europe's insistence, says India's former ambassador to Poland Anil Wadhwa. So far, New Delhi has maintained its political and defense relationship with Moscow while calling for dialogue and diplomacy and resisting pressure to align fully with Western sanctions.

Moreover, while New Delhi may be able to communicate with both Moscow and Kyiv, there is no guarantee either side will respond to its efforts or make concessions.

"Poland wants India to use its access to Vladimir Putin to encourage a ceasefire and meaningful negotiations, while recognizing the limits of New Delhi's influence over Russian military decisions," he told DW.

The challenge, Wadhwa said, was to translate India's diplomatic access into practical outcomes without expecting too much. "India can contribute to de-escalation and help create conditions for negotiations, but it cannot guarantee peace," he said. The Polish initiative also reflects a wider European effort to deepen relations with India.

Ummu Salma Bava, chairperson and Jean Monnet Chair at the Centre for European Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University, told DW that Tusk's visit had two objectives: strengthening ties between India and his own country and persuading New Delhi to factor in the EU's perspective on the Ukraine war.

"The Ukraine war has become central to European security. India's strong association with Moscow despite the war has raised concerns on developing cooperation on security between India and the EU," Bava said.

Poland, a frontline state, does not want Russia to gain additional economic benefits from its relationship with India. So far, according to Bava, "both sides have managed to compartmentalize the Ukraine issue" while advancing cooperation on trade, security and defense. But their differences could complicate future efforts to expand defense and security cooperation, she warned. Ajay Bisaria, another former envoy to Poland, says India's position has "matured into that of a potential peacemaker" and its ability to communicate with both Kyiv and Moscow is now perceived as useful.

According to Bisaria, not even Warsaw regards "the Russia question" as a "significant irritant in the India-Europe or India-Poland relationship." "Europe, and Poland in particular, understands the depth of India's partnership with Russia, just as India appreciates the very different lens through which much of Europe views Moscow and the war in Ukraine," Bisaria told DW.

This shift in perspective, according to Bisaria, is partly due to the US changing its own stance on the conflict and seeking mediation. This, in his view, strengthens the case for European governments to pursue close ties with India despite their differences over Moscow.