以色列左翼和右翼选民似乎都确信，周二的选举可能是他们最具决定性意义的一次。而世界其他地方似乎毫不在意，因为将以色列与沙特阿拉伯等阿拉伯国家（以色列寻求与其实现关系正常化）以及西方国家（包括许多年轻美国人）分隔开来的那些问题，根本未成为竞争议题。
Israelis on both the left and the right appear convinced that Tuesday’s election could be among their most consequential. The rest of the world seems singularly unimpressed, because the issues separating Israel from Arab countries like Saudi Arabia — with which Israel seeks normalization — or from westerners, including many younger Americans, were simply not contested.
近78%的以色列人投票，创下1999年以来的最高投票率。生活在东耶路撒冷、约旦河西岸和加沙地带、处于以色列占领之下的500万巴勒斯坦人，从未能够投票，也无法以其他方式接触那个控制其生活方方面面的体制。
Almost 78% of Israelis voted, the highest since 1999. The 5 million Palestinians living under Israeli occupation in eastern Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip have never been able to vote or otherwise access the system that controls every aspect of their lives.
不过，以色列200万巴勒斯坦公民的投票率格外高，他们越来越多地参与以色列体制。和许多犹太裔以色列人一样，他们希望终于能让内塔尼亚胡下台，后者担任总理长达创纪录的19年。内塔尼亚胡周三在毫无证据的情况下表示：“以色列国的选举被支持恐怖主义、寻求消灭犹太国家的阿拉伯政党窃取了，他们犯下了严重的刑事犯罪，包括贿赂、威胁、暴力、伪造以及使用被禁软件动员选民”，并要求多个机构展开调查。
However, turnout was especially high among the 2 million Palestinian citizens of Israel, who have been increasingly taking part in the Israeli system. Like many Jewish Israelis, they are hoping to finally dispatch Benjamin Netanyahu, who has been prime minister for a record 19 years. Netanyahu on Wednesday said without evidence“The elections in the State of Israel were stolen by Arab parties that support terrorism and the elimination of the Jewish state through serious criminal offenses of bribery, threats, violence, forgeries and the use of prohibited software to mobilize voters,” and he demanded an investigation by multiple agencies.
鉴于约旦河西岸的占领和定居点计划——以及以色列在加沙极其残酷的政策——几乎肯定将基本维持不变，世界其他地方的耸肩不理也就不足为奇了。
Given that the occupation and settlement program in the West Bank — as well as Israel’s exceptionally cruel policies in Gaza — will almost certainly remain largely unchanged, the rest of the world can be forgiven for shrugging.
总理的国内批评者指责他，应对2023年10月7日哈马斯枪手从加沙袭击以色列南部、造成约1200人死亡、绑架251人这一事件时，以色列在情报和应急响应方面遭遇灾难性失败负有责任。他们要求对这些失职进行独立调查，而内塔尼亚胡及其支持者则将责任归咎于军方和情报官员。
The prime minister’s domestic critics blame him for Israel’s catastrophic intelligence and emergency response failure when Hamas gunmen from Gaza attacked southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, killing roughly 1,200 people and abducting 251 others. They want an independent inquiry into those failures, while Netanyahu and his supporters blame military and intelligence officials.
以色列在加沙地带发动的毁灭性战争——内塔尼亚胡在10月7日誓言要进行的“强力报复”——已经疏远了世界大部分国家。已有超过7.5万人丧生——几乎全是巴勒斯坦人，其中至少一半是平民。加沙地带几乎全体人口都已流离失所。结果，国际刑事法院以涉嫌战争罪为由对内塔尼亚胡发出了逮捕令，但他的以色列批评者对此置若罔闻。
Israel’s devastating war in Gaza — the “mighty vengeance” Netanyahu vowed on Oct. 7 — has alienated much of the world. Over 75,000 people — almost all Palestinians and at least half of them civilians — have been killed. Virtually the entire population of Gaza has been displaced. As a result, the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant against Netanyahu for alleged war crimes, though his Israeli critics have ignored that.
对于10月7日国家层面的失职谁该负责，目前仍有争议——但加沙地带遭受的彻底毁灭却毫无争议。当世界其他大部分地区似乎对这场暴行感到极度震惊和疏远时，大多数以色列人似乎并不在意。
Responsibility for state failures on Oct. 7 remains controversial — but the utter devastation of Gaza really isn’t. While much of the rest of the world appears profoundly horrified and alienated by the rampage, most Israelis don’t seem to care.
反对党领袖加迪·艾森科特失去了一个在加沙作战的儿子，但他几乎没有承诺采取明显不同的做法。在被占领的约旦河西岸，情况基本也是如此，尽管艾森科特确实承诺要遏制日益恐吓巴勒斯坦人的暴力犹太定居者。
Opposition leader Gadi Eisenkot lost a son who was fighting in Gaza, but he’s hardly promising a notably different approach. That’s also essentially true in the occupied West Bank, although Eisenkot does promise to rein in violent Jewish settlers increasingly terrorizing Palestinians.
然而，就以色列不懈地朝着最终吞并约旦河西岸的方向发展，却不给被占领土上的巴勒斯坦人提供公民身份或投票权而言，他并未勾勒出一个与内塔尼亚胡显著不同的愿景。两人都绝对拒绝巴勒斯坦建国，而这是和平共处唯一可行的公式。然而，以色列的定居点项目，以及它在约旦河西岸所需的系统性种族压迫复杂机制，并没有引起特别大的争议，当然也不是一个竞选议题。
Yet when it comes to Israel’s relentless drift toward the eventual annexation of the West Bank, without providing Palestinians in the occupied territories citizenship or voting rights, he hasn’t outlined a significantly different vision from Netanyahu. Both categorically reject Palestinian statehood, which is the only viable formula for peaceful coexistence. Yet Israel’s settlement project, and the complex apparatus of systematic ethnic repression in the West Bank it requires, isn’t especially controversial and certainly wasn’t a campaign issue.
内塔尼亚胡虚假声称以色列大选存在选民欺诈 2026年10月27日许多以色列人将这次大选视为对其国家性格的一次决定性考验，这是可以理解的。关于其社会性质的许多关键问题似乎都悬而未决。法治能否在持续独立的司法体系下占据上风，而内塔尼亚胡曾试图拆解这一体系？极端正统派男性能否继续享受国家福利却逃避兵役？
Netanyahu falsely claims voter fraud in Israeli election October 27, 2026 It’s understandable that many Israelis view this election as a decisive test of their national character. Numerous crucial questions regarding the nature of their society seem at stake. Will the rule of law prevail with a continued independent judiciary, which Netanyahu has tried to dismantle? Will ultraorthodox men continue to enjoy state benefits while avoiding military service?
以色列经济从根本上讲是健康的，还是因占领而面临迫在眉睫的国际制裁威胁？最重要的是，以色列的“犹太性质”仅仅是广泛的族群团结问题，还是一个凌驾于犹太裔以色列人民主传统之上的更狭隘的宗教命令？
Is Israel’s economy fundamentally healthy, or threatened by looming international sanctions because of the occupation? And, most of all, is the “Jewish character” of Israel simply a matter of broad ethnic solidarity or a narrower religious imperative that supersedes democratic traditions among Jewish Israelis?
这些无疑是重大问题，而这场胶着的大选只是犹太裔以色列人因其社会向宗教和民族主义的极右翼转变而变得多么深度分裂的最新迹象。
These are certainly momentous questions, and the closely fought election is only the latest indication of how deeply divided Jewish Israelis have become as their society has shifted toward the religious and nationalist far-right.
这只是又一次以色列大选，其中占领以及数百万巴勒斯坦人在他们高度压迫和致命的统治下受煎熬的问题，并未成为以色列社会的重大争议。
This is just another Israeli election in which the occupation and issues regarding millions of Palestinians chafing under their highly oppressive and deadly rule haven’t arisen as significant controversies for Israeli society.
《纽约时报》报道，内塔尼亚胡曾推动对伊朗发动新的袭击，而这本可能推迟以色列的选举。自10月7日以来，在内塔尼亚胡的领导下，以色列一直在用“缓冲区”将自己包围起来——不仅在加沙，还在叙利亚和黎巴嫩——这些缓冲区遭到暴力清空人口，许多情况下已变得无法居住。再加上对伊朗的战争——这场战争主要由美国打，但由内塔尼亚胡大声挑动——以色列人似乎正在为自己构建一个充满冲突、对抗和战争的未来，且这一未来在可预见的将来持续存在。
Netanyahu pushed for new attack on Iran, which could have delayed Israel’s election: NYT Since Oct. 7, under Netanyahu, Israel has been surrounding itself — not just in Gaza, but also Syria and Lebanon — with “buffer zones” that have been violently depopulated and, in many cases, rendered uninhabitable. Combined with the war against Iran, largely fought by the United States but loudly instigated by Netanyahu, Israelis appear to be building themselves a future of conflict, confrontation and warfare into the foreseeable future.
自2025年以来，内塔尼亚胡甚至一直要求以色列人把自己视为一个“超级斯巴达”。艾森科特可能会避免这样的措辞，但他尚未勾勒出能让以色列避免那种命运的政策。如果以色列不迅速改变方向，那么无论有没有内塔尼亚胡，它都很可能最终走到那一步。
Since 2025, Netanyahu has even been asking Israelis to regard themselves as a “super Sparta Eisenkot may avoid such language, but he hasn’t sketched out policies that would allow Israel to avoid that fate. If Israel doesn’t quickly change course, it may well end up there with or without Netanyahu.
中东其他地区和更广泛的世界，包括许多年轻的美国人，已经对正在浮现的犹太“超级斯巴达”形成了一种鲜明且相当负面的看法。然而，这一愿景在周二的选举中并未真正成为选票上的议题。人们越来越难以避免得出这样的结论：这条道路如今已是以色列犹太人的共识。
The rest of the Middle East and broader world, including many younger Americans, are already developing a distinct and reasonably dim view of the emerging Jewish “super Sparta.”Yet this vision wasn’t really on the ballot on Tuesday. It’s becoming hard to avoid concluding that this path is now a Jewish Israeli consensus.
文章出处：以色列的选举不会给巴勒斯坦人带来任何改变 MS NOW
The post Israel’s election won’t change a thing for the Palestinians MS NOW