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美国中期选举将考验特朗普权力的极限The US midterms will test the limits of Trump’s power

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2026年10月27日,在美国得克萨斯州拉伯克,支持者在一场为支持共和党美国参议院候选人肯·帕克斯顿而举行的中期选举集会上为美国总统唐纳德·特朗普欢呼[凯莉·格林利/路透社]Supporters cheer on US President Donald Trump at a midterm election rally to support Republican US Senate candidate Ken Paxton, in Lubbock, Texas, United States, on October 27, 2026 [Kaylee Greenlee/Reuters]

11月3日,随着美国人参加中期选举,美国正面临着对总统权力、宪法问责制和民主韧性的决定性考验。这次选举将决定国会的控制权,但其利害关系远远超出了两党的前途。问题在于,宪法制衡能否约束唐纳德·特朗普总统,选举官员能否经受住政治压力,以及当选举结果威胁到政府利益时,政府是否会尊重选民的裁决。

On November 3, as Americans vote in the midterm elections, the United States faces a defining test of presidential power, constitutional accountability and democratic resilience. The election will determine control of Congress, but its stakes extend far beyond partisan fortunes. At issue is whether constitutional checks and balances can constrain President Donald Trump, whether election officials can withstand political pressure, and whether the government will respect the voters’ verdict when the outcome threatens its interests.

争夺选举控制权的之战 政府重塑选举程序的努力遇到了实质性的司法阻力。根据布伦南司法中心10月20日的一项评估,至少有34项联邦地区法院的裁决暂时或永久阻止了政府涉及选举程序以及索取选民登记记录的举措。这些裁决包括由两党总统(包括特朗普本人)所任命的法官所作出的决定。

The battle for control of elections The administration’s efforts to reshape election procedures have encountered substantial judicial resistance. According to an October 20 review by the Brennan Center for Justice, at least 34 federal district court decisions had temporarily or permanently blocked administration initiatives involving election procedures and demands for voter registration records. The rulings included decisions by judges appointed by presidents of both parties, including Trump himself.

这些裁决表明,司法监督仍然是一项重要的宪法保障。然而,一再的诉讼暴露出一个脆弱性:法院往往只在争议性措施出台后才进行干预,这使得各州不得不去对那些可能在选举日临近时引发不确定性的政策提出质疑。

These decisions demonstrate that judicial oversight remains an important constitutional safeguard. Yet repeated litigation exposes a vulnerability: courts often intervene only after disputed measures have been introduced, leaving states to challenge policies that can generate uncertainty close to Election Day.

10月26日,随着一家联邦上诉法院拒绝下令加利福尼亚州搁置大约2万名已登记选民的选票,这场争议加剧了,美国司法部指称这些选民可能是非美国公民。法院裁定,下级法院未获充分机会审议政府的请求。这一根本争议仍未得到解决。

The controversy intensified on October 26, when a federal appeals court declined to order California to set aside ballots from approximately 20,000 registered voters whom the Justice Department alleges may be noncitizens. The court ruled that the lower court had not been given adequate opportunity to consider the government’s request. The underlying dispute remained unresolved.

政府坚持认为,其行动保护了选举的完整性。但调查关于违法行为的可信指控,与根据未经证实的怀疑限制合格选民有着根本的不同。选举安全需要准确的选民名册,但也同样需要保护公民免受错误的质疑。

The administration maintains that its actions protect electoral integrity. But investigating credible allegations of wrongdoing is fundamentally different from restricting eligible voters on the basis of unverified suspicions. Election security requires accurate voter rolls, but it equally requires protecting citizens from erroneous challenges.

即使证据未能证明选举遭到破坏,反复出现的舞弊指控也会破坏信心。危险在于,无论事实如何,常规的选举管理在公众心目中都会变得令人怀疑。

Repeated allegations of fraud can undermine confidence even when evidence fails to establish that an election has been compromised. The danger is that routine election administration becomes suspect in the public mind, regardless of the facts.

国会作为宪法制衡力量 共和党在国会两院均占微弱多数,这使民主党有望夺取众议院控制权,并可能掌控参议院。

Congress as a constitutional check Republicans hold narrow majorities in both chambers of Congress, placing control of the House and potentially the Senate within reach of Democrats.

民主党掌控众议院将增强反对党调查政府政策、传唤官员以及审查行政决策的能力。移民执法、选举程序、联邦开支以及行政命令的实施可能会面临更严厉的监督。

A Democratic House majority would strengthen the opposition’s ability to investigate administration policies, subpoena officials and scrutinise executive decisions. Immigration enforcement, election procedures, federal spending and the implementation of executive orders could face intensified oversight.

这种监督可能会在证据支持的情况下揭露不当行为,并迫使官员对原本免于实质审查的决策做出解释。然而,调查并不能自动带来问责。传票可能引发漫长的法律战,仅靠国会听证会也无法强制改变政策。

Such scrutiny could expose misconduct where evidence supports it and compel officials to explain decisions otherwise shielded from meaningful examination. Yet investigations do not automatically produce accountability. Subpoenas can trigger prolonged legal battles, and congressional hearings alone cannot force policy changes.

控制参议院将使民主党对总统提名和司法任命拥有更大的影响力。尽管如此,特朗普仍将保留其否决权和实质性的行政权力。即使民主党全面控制国会,也不会自动逆转他的议程。

Control of the Senate would give Democrats greater influence over presidential nominations and judicial appointments. Nevertheless, Trump would retain his veto power and substantial executive authority. Even unified Democratic control of Congress would not automatically reverse his agenda.

更深层次的问题在于,国会将独立行使其宪法职责,还是允许党派忠诚凌驾于机构问责之上。如果在一个分支机构在情势需要时拒绝挑战另一个分支机构,制衡就无法有效运作。

The deeper question is whether Congress will exercise its constitutional responsibilities independently or allow partisan loyalty to take precedence over institutional accountability. Checks and balances cannot function effectively if one branch declines to challenge another when circumstances demand it.

选举日之后的考验 或许最具影响力的对抗将发生在投票结束之后。

The test after election day Perhaps the most consequential confrontation will come after the ballots are cast.

特朗普对2020年总统选举失利的回应仍然是一个关键先例。他质疑选举结果,提出了未经证实的舞弊指控,并向佐治亚州官员施压,要求他们找出足够选票来逆转他的败局。2021年1月6日,正当国会开会认证总统选举结果时,一群暴徒袭击了国会大厦。

Trump’s response to his 2020 presidential defeat remains a critical precedent. He challenged the result, made unsubstantiated allegations of fraud, and pressured Georgia officials to find enough votes to reverse his loss. On January 6, 2021, a mob attacked the Capitol as Congress met to certify the presidential election.

这段历史并不意味着类似事件必然会在2026年重演。然而,它确实使得对潜在选举争议的审视变得至关重要。

That history does not establish that similar events will recur in 2026. It does, however, make scrutiny of potential election disputes essential.

危险可能不在于某一次能够改变结果的干预,而在于接连不断的对抗:对计票工作的质疑、对州官员的施压、对调查的要求,以及试图将常规程序描绘成舞弊证据的做法。即使是不成功的努力,也会延迟结果出炉并削弱公众信心。

The danger may lie not in a single intervention capable of changing the result, but in successive confrontations: challenges to ballot counting, pressure on state officials, demands for investigations and attempts to portray ordinary procedures as evidence of fraud. Even unsuccessful efforts can delay resolution and weaken public confidence.

候选人完全有权诉诸合法的法律挑战。法院必须审议可信的证据,选举官员必须纠正有据可查的违规行为。但指控并非证据,任何总统都不能简单地宣布不利的结果无效。

Candidates have every right to pursue legitimate legal challenges. Courts must consider credible evidence, and election officials must correct documented irregularities. But allegations are not proof, and no president can simply declare an unfavourable result invalid.

一场选举也可能在没有改变哪怕一张选票的情况下遭到破坏。对选举工作人员的恐吓、毫无根据的指控以及诋毁既定程序的努力,可能会侵蚀公众对合法结果的接受度。

An election can also be damaged without a single vote being changed. Intimidation of election workers, unfounded accusations and efforts to discredit established procedures can erode public acceptance of legitimate outcomes.

因此,合法审视与政治干预之间的区别至关重要。选举的公正性取决于证据、一致的程序以及对法律的尊重,而不是取决于结果是否对执政党有利。

The distinction between lawful scrutiny and political interference is therefore fundamental. Electoral integrity depends on evidence, consistent procedures and respect for the law – not on whether the outcome favours the governing party.

法院无法独自捍卫民主。司法介入表明宪法保障仍在发挥作用。法院可以判定非法的行政行为无效,但它们无法独立管理成千上万个司法管辖区的选举,也无法保证政治领导人会尊重每一项裁决。

Courts cannot defend democracy alone Judicial intervention demonstrates that constitutional safeguards remain operational. Courts can invalidate unlawful executive actions, but they cannot independently administer elections across thousands of jurisdictions or guarantee that political leaders will respect every ruling.

在经过长期诋毁选举机构的努力之后,单靠司法裁决也无法恢复公众信心。民主有赖于国会行使监督权、选举官员准确清点选票、法院公正行事以及政治领导人尊重合法的选举结果。

Nor can judicial decisions alone restore public confidence after sustained efforts to discredit electoral institutions. Democracy depends on Congress exercising oversight, election officials counting ballots accurately, courts acting impartially and political leaders respecting lawful outcomes.

两党总统任命的法官愿意对现政府的倡议作出不利裁决,这巩固了一项基本原则:宪法保护不能取决于党派立场。其有效性取决于机构是否在应用相同的规则,而不管谁能从中受益。

The willingness of judges appointed by presidents of both parties to rule against administration initiatives reinforces a fundamental principle: constitutional protections cannot depend on partisan alignment. Their effectiveness rests on whether institutions apply the same rules regardless of who benefits.

更广泛的危险是机构侵蚀。一再的对抗可能会削弱公众信心,打击选举工作人员的积极性,并使这样一种观念趋于常态化:宪法约束是政治权力的障碍,而不是管理权力行使的义务。

The broader danger is institutional erosion. Repeated confrontations can weaken public confidence, discourage election workers and normalise the idea that constitutional constraints are obstacles to political power rather than obligations governing its exercise.

超越选票的裁决 11月3日的中期选举无法解决围绕总统权力的争斗。如果共和党人保住国会,特朗普将继续受益于国会在人数上的多数优势,尽管司法和州级制衡仍将存在。如果民主党人赢得其中一个或两个院in,现政府将面临更严格的审查,但庞大的行政权力仍将持续。

A verdict beyond the ballots The November 3 midterms will not resolve the struggle over presidential power. If Republicans retain Congress, Trump will continue to benefit from congressional majorities, although judicial and state-level checks will remain. If Democrats gain one or both chambers, the administration will face greater scrutiny, but substantial executive authority will persist.

任何一种结果都无法保证实现有效的宪法政府。决定性的问题在于,各机构是否在行使其法定职责,以及政治领导人是否承认总统权力既不是无限的,也不是永恒的。

Neither outcome guarantees effective constitutional government. The decisive issue is whether institutions exercise their lawful responsibilities and whether political leaders accept that presidential power is neither unlimited nor permanent.

美国民主虽曾历经深重危机而幸存,但韧性不应与无懈可击混为一谈。制衡机制只有在各机构予以执行、政治领袖尊重其界限时才能发挥作用。

American democracy has survived profound crises, but resilience should not be confused with invulnerability. Checks and balances work only when institutions enforce them and political leaders respect their limits.

因此,中期选举关乎的不仅是国会席位的得失。它将检验选票是否依法计数、争议是否通过既定程序解决、以及选举结果是否不因党派得失而受到尊重。

The midterms are therefore about more than congressional arithmetic. They will test whether votes are counted according to law, disputes are resolved through established procedures and electoral outcomes are respected regardless of partisan consequences.

选票将决定谁控制国会。随后的发展将揭示美国体制能否继续维护民主政府的一项根本原则:总统不凌驾于法律之上,任何政党不拥有选举进程,任何政治权力的行使都不在问责之外。

The ballots will determine who controls Congress. What follows will reveal whether American institutions can still uphold a principle fundamental to democratic government: no president stands above the law, no party owns the electoral process, and no exercise of political power is beyond accountability.

11月3日,美国人将投票决定国会的组成。选举过后将考验更持久的东西:当执行宪法制约机制涉及最高政治赌注时,支撑美国民主的这些制约机制是否依然具有约束力。

On November 3, Americans will vote to determine the composition of Congress. The aftermath will test something more enduring: whether the constitutional restraints that have sustained American democracy remain binding when their enforcement carries the highest political stakes.

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